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Top: Jewish Occupied Governments: United States: Zionists and Jewish Communists in the Democratic Party: Iron Curtain Chapter III

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The Khazars Join the Democratic Party

The triumphant Khazars, aided by other "converts" to Communism, strengthened their grasp on prostrate Russia by a succession of "purges" in which many millions of Russians lost their lives, either by immediate murder or in the slow terror of slave labor camps. These purges do not concern us here except as a sample of what Soviet rule would bring to America, namely, the slaying of 15,000,000 persons on a list already prepared by name and category (statement to the author by a former-high ranking international Communist who has deserted "Stalinism"). The lecture, Matt Cvetic, a former F. B. I. undercover agent, gives, more recently, a much higher figure; he states that almost all men and women over thirty, having been found too old for "re-education," would be slaughtered. For details, write to Borger News-Herald, Borger, Texas, asking reprint of "We Owe a Debt" (April 16, 1952) by J.C.Phillips.

Even as they subjected the Russian people to a rule of terror, the new rulers of Russia promptly and effectively penetrated the countries of Western Europe and also Canada and (as shown in Chapter II) the United States. For their fateful choice of our country as a goal of their major though not yet completly and finally successful endeavor, there were several reasons.

In the first place, with its mutually advantageous capital labor relations, its enormous productivity, and its high standard of living, the United States of America was an existing visible refutation of the black Soviet lie that their Communist dictstorship did more than our Republic for the workingman. The idea that the "capitalistic" democracies (Britain and America) were formidable obstacles to the spread of Communism and had to be destroyed was expressed, many times by Soviet leaders and notably by Stalin in his great address ( Moscow, March 10, 1939) to the 18th Congress of the Communist Party. This elaborate official statement of Soviet policy was made before the outbreak of World War II, and nearly three years before our involvement, and was trumpeted rather than hidden under a bushel. It can therefore be safely predicated that our State Department, with its numerous staffs, offices, bureaus, and divisions, was promptly aware of the contents of this speech and of the Soviet goal of overthrowing our "capitalist democracy."

The second reason for large scale Communist exploitation of the United States was our traditional lack of any laws prohibiting or regulating immigration into the United States and our negligence or politics in enforcing immigration laws when they had been passed (Chapter II, above). "The illegal entry of aliens into the United States is one of the most serious and difficult problems confronting the Immigration and Naturalization Service. . . Since the end of World War II the problem of illegal entry has increased tremendously . . . There is ample evidence that there is an alarmingly large number of aliens in the United States in an illegal status. Under the alien registration act of 1940 some 5,000,000 aliens were registered "(The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, pp. 629,630).

The third principal reason for the Communist exploitation of the United States was the absence of any effective policy regarding resident foreigners even when their activities are directed toward the overthrow of the government. Thus in 1950 several hundreds of thousands of foreigners, among the millions illegally in this country, were arrested and released for want of adequate provisions for deporting them.

As shown in Chapter II, above, persons of Khazar background or traditions had entered the United States in large numbers in the waves of immigration between 1880 and the outbreak of World War I in 1914. The Soviet seizure of Russia took place in 1917, however, and the hey-day for Communist-inclined immigrants from Eastern Europe was the five-year period between the end of World War I (1919) and the passage of the 1924 law restricting immigration. Recorded immigrants to this country in that brief span of time amounted to approximately three million and large numbers of the newcomers were from, Eastern Europe. Most significantly, with Communism in power in Russia, many of the new immigrants were not only ideologically hostile to the Western Christian civilization of which America was the finest development, but were actual agents of the new Rulers of Russia Conspicuous among these was Sidney Hillman, who had turned from his "Rabbinical education" (Who Was Who in America, Vol. II, p. 254) to political activities if international scope. Twenty-two years before Franklin Roosevelt gave orders to "clear everything with Sidney," similar orders were given American Communists by Lenin himself, Hillman being at that time President of the Russian-American Industrial Corporation at 103 E. Fourteenth St., New York (article by Walter Trohan and photostat in Washington Times-Herald, October 29, 1944).

Surely a relatively small number of Khazar immigrants from Russia came as actual Soviet agents; not all of them came was confirmed Marxists; and some of them have doubtless conformed to the traditional American mores. The contrary is neither stated nor implied as a general propositional. The fact remains, however, that the newer immigrants, to an even greater degree than their predecessors of the same stock, were determined to resist absorption into Western Christian civilization and were determined also to further their aims by political alignment and pressure.

In the first three decades of the twentieth century, few of the several million non-Christian immigrants from Eastern Europe were attracted to the Republican Party, which was a majority party with no need to bargain for recruits. The Democratic Party, on the contrary, was in bad need of additional voters. It had elected Woodrow Wilson by a huge electoral majority in 1912 when the Republican Party was split between the followers of William Howard Taft and those of Theodore Roosevelt, but the Democratic popular vote was 1,413,708 less than the combined Taft and Roosevelt votes. in-fact, bet3ween 1892 (Cleveland's election over Harrison) and 1932 (F.D. Roosevelt's election over Hoover), the Democratic candidate had pooled more presidential popular votes than the Republican candidate (9,129,606 to 8,538,221) only once, when Woodrow Wilson was elected (1916) to a second term on the slogan, "He kept us out of war." In all the other elections, Republican majorities were substantial. Applying arithmetic to the popular vote of the seven presidential elections from 1904 to 1928 inclusive (Worked Almanac, 1949, p. 91), it is seen that on the average, the Democrats, except under extraordinary circumstances, could not in the first three decades of the twentieth century count on as much as 45% of the votes.

In addition to its need for more votes, the Democratic Party had another characteristic which appealed to the politically minded Eastern European newcomers and drew to its ranks all but a handful of those who did not join a leftist splinter party. Unlike the Republican Party, which still had a fairly homogeneous membership, the Democratic Party was a collection of several groups. "The Democratic Party is not a political party at all; it's a marriage of convenience among assorted bedfellows, each of whom hates most of the other" (William Bradford Huie in an article, "Truman's Plan to Make Eisenhower President," Cosmopolitan, July, 1951, p. 31).

In the early part of the twentieth century the two largest components of the Democratic Party were the rural Protestant Southerners and the urban Catholic Northerners, who stood as a matter of course for the cardinal principles of Western Christian civilization, but otherwise had little in common politically except an opposition, chiefly because of vanished issues, to the Republican Party. The third group, which had been increasing rapidly after 1880, consisted of Eastern Europeans and other "liberals," best exemplified perhaps by the distinguished Harvard Jew, of Prague stock, Louis Dembitz Brandeis, whom President Woodrow Wilson, for reasons not yet fully known by the people, named to the United States Supreme Court. This man, at once so able, and in his legal and other attitudes so far to the left for the America of 1916, deserves attention as a symbol of the future for the Democratic Party, and through that party, for America.

According to the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, there was an "historical battle" in the Senate in regard to "Brandeis' 'radicalism'," and "his alleged 'lack of judicial temperament'." These alleged qualities provoked opposition to the nomination by seven former presidents of the American Bar Association, including ex-Secretary of State Elihu Root and ex-President William Howard Taft.

Despite the opposition, the nomination was confirmed by the Senate in a close vote on June 5, 1916. This was one of the most significant days in American history, for we had, for the first time since the first decade of the nineteenth century, an official of the highest status whose heart's interest was in something besides the United States -- an official, moreover, who interpreted the Law not as the outgrowth of precedent, but according to certain results desired by the interpreter.

The entire article on Justice Brandeis in the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia (Vol. II, pp. 495-499) should be read in full, if possible. Here are a few significant quotations: During the World War, Brandeis occupied himself with a close study of the political phases of Jewish affairs in every country. Since that time his active interest in Jewish affairs has been centered in Zionism . . .In 1919, he visited Palestine for political and organizational reasons . . . he has financed various social and economic efforts in Palestine.

As a justice, Mr. Brandeis: Never worried about such academic perplexities as the compatibility of Americanism with a minority culture or a Jewish homeland in Palestine. . . Breaking away from the accepted legal catechisms, he thoroughly and exhaustively probed the economics of each and every problem presented. . . The truth of his conviction that our individualistic philosophy could no longer furnish an adequate basis for dealing with the problems of modern economic life, in now generally recognized. . . he envisages a co-operative order. . . Brandeis feels that the Constitution must be given liberal construction.

This may be taken as the beginning of the tendency of our courts to assume by judicial decisions the function of legislative bodies.

There is testimony, also, to the influence of Brandeis over Wilson as a factor in America's entry into World War I and its consequent prolongation with terrible blood losses to all participants, especially among boys and young men of British, French, and German stock. Although Britain had promised self-rule to the Palestine Arabs in several official statements by Sir Henry MacMahon, the High Commissioner for Egypt, by Field Marshal Lord Allenby, Commander in Chief of British Military forces in the area, and by others (The Surrender of An Empire, by Nesta H. Webster, Boswell Printing and Publishing Co., Ltd., 10 Essex St., London, W.C. 2, 1931, pp. 351-356), President Wilson was readily won over to a scheme concocted later in another compartment of the British government. This scheme, Zionism, attracted the favor of the Prime Minister, Mr. David Lloyd George, who, like Wilson, had with prominent Jews certain close relations, one of which is suggested in the Encyclopedia Britannica article (Vol. XIX, p. 4) on the first Marquess of Reading (previously Sir Rufus Daniel Isaacs). Thus, according to S. Landman, in his paper "Secret History of the Balfour Declaration" (World Jewry, March 1, 1935), after an "understanding had been arrived at between Sir Mark Sykes and Weizmann and Sokolow, it was resolved to send a secret message to Justice Brandeis that the British Cabinet would help the Jews to gain Palestine in return for active Jewish sympathy and support in U.S.A. for the allied cause so as to bring about a radical pro-ally tendency in the United States." An article, "The Origin of the Balfour Declaration" (The Jewish Chronicle, February 7, 1936), is more specific. According to this source, certain "representatives of the British and French Governments" had been convinced that "the best and perhaps the only way to induce the American President to come into the war was to secure the co-operation of Zionist Jewry by promising them Palestine." In so doing "the Allies would enlist and mobilize the hitherto unsuspectedly powerful force of Zionist Jewry in America and elsewhere." Since President Wilson at that time "attached the greatest possible importance to the advice of Mr. Justice Brandeis," the Zionists worked through him and "helped to bring America in."

The strange power of Brandeis over President Wilson is indicated several times in the book, Challenging Years, The Autobiography of Stephen Wise (G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1949). Rabbi Wise, for instance, spoke of Wilson's "leaning heavily, as I well know he chose to do, on Brandeis" (p.187), and records a surprising remark by the supposedly independent minded World War I President. To Rabbi Wise, who spoke of Zionism and the plans for convening " the first session of the American Jewish Congress," Wilson said (p. 189): "Whenever the time comes, and you and Justice Brandeis feel that the time is ripe for me to speak and act, I shall be ready."

The authenticity of these statements, which are well documented in the sources from which they are quoted, cannot be doubted. Full evaluation of President Wilson will have to wait until the secret archives of World War I are opened to the Public. Meanwhile, however, the management of the war in such a way as to bleed Europe to death casts persistent reflections upon the judgment if not the motives of President Wilson and Prime Minister David Lloyd George of Great Britain. Their bloody victory and their failure in peace stand in strong contrast to Theodore Roosevelt's dramatic success in ending, rather than joining, the great conflict (1904-1905) between Russia and Japan.

After the eight-year rule of President Wilson, the Democratic Party was retired from office in the election of 1920. For the next twelve years (March 4, 1921-March 4, 1933), the three diverse groups in the Party -- Southern Protestants, Northern Catholics, and Brandeis-type "liberals," -- were held loosely together by leaders who helped each other toward the day of victory and the resultant power and patronage. Tactfully accustomed to ask no questions of each other, these leaders, still mostly Southern Protestants and Northern Catholics, did not ask any questions of the Party's rapidly increasing contingent of Eastern Europeans.

Thus the astute twentieth century immigrants of Eastern European origin continued to join the Democratic Party, in which everybody was accustomed to strange bedfellows, and in which a largely non-Christian third force was already well intrenched. Parenthetically, the best description of the National Democratic party as it existed from the time of Franklin Roosevelt's first term and on into the early 1950's is probably that of Senator Byrd of Virginia. Speaking at Selma, Alabama, on November 1, 1951 (AP dispatch), he described the party as a "heterogeneous crowd of Trumanites" and added that the group, "if it could be called a party, is one of questionable ancestry, irresponsible direction and predatory purposes."

Woodrow Wilson, who was definitely the candidate of a minority party, was elected in the first instance by a serious split in the Republican Party. By constant reinforcement from abroad, however, the "third force" of Eastern Europeans and associates of similar ideology was instrumental in raising the Democratic Party from a minority to a majority status. Some daring leaders of the alien or alien-minded wing conceived the idea of being paid in a special way for their contributions to victory.

Their price, carefully concealed from the American people, including of course many lesser figures among the Eastern Europeans, was the control of the foreign policy of the United States.

At a glance, the achievement of such an objective might seem impossible. In fact, however, it was easy, because it happens under our practice that the entire electoral vote of a State goes to the candidate whose electors poll a majority of the popular votes of the State. With the population of older stock somewhat evenly divided between the Republican and Democratic parties, a well-organized minority can throw enough votes to determine the recipient of the electoral vote of a state. " The States having the largest numbers of Jews are New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Ohio, California, and Michigan" (The Immigration and Naturalization Systems of the United States, p. 154). These, of course, are the "doubtful" states with a large electoral vote.

Thus, when the ship of patronage came in with the election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1932, the Democrats of the old tradition, whether Southern Protestants or Northern Catholics, wanted dams, bridges, government buildings, and other government-financed projects in their districts; wanted contracts for themselves and their friends; and wanted also a quota of safe tenure positions, such as federal judgeships. Neither group of old-time Democrats had many leaders who specialized in languages or in the complex subject matter of "foreign affairs," and neither group objected to the seemingly modest interest of certain of the party's Eastern European recruits for jobs of sub-cabinet rank in Washington.

The first spectacular triumph of the non-Christian Eastern European Democrats was Roosevelt's recognition, less than nine months after his inauguration, of the Soviet government of Russia. A lengthy factual article, "Moscow's RED LETTER DAY in American History," by William La Varre in the American Legion Magazine (August, 1951), gives many details on our strange diplomatic move which was arranged by "Litvinoff, of deceitful smiles" and by "Henry Morgenthau and Dean Acheson, both proteges of Felix Frankfurter." Incidentally, Litvinoff's birth-name was Wallach and he also used the Finkelstein. Three of the four persons thus named by Mr, La Varre as influential in this deal were of the same non-Christian stock or association -- and the fourth was Dean Acheson, "who served as law clerk of Justice Louis D. Brandeis" (U.S. News and World Report, November 9, 1951) before becoming famous as a "Frankfurter boy" (see below, this chapter). The principal "Frankfurter boy" is the subject of a most important article in the American Mercury magazine (11, East 36th Street, New York 16, N.Y.., 10 copies for $1.00) for April, 1952. Thee author, Felix Wittner, says in part:

Acheson's record of disservice to the cause of freedom begins at least nineteen years ago when he became one of Stalin's paid American lawyers. Acheson was on Stalin's payroll even before the Soviet Union was recognized by the United States.

Mr. La Varre's article should be read in full, among other things for its analyses of F.D. Roosevelt,s betrayal of Latin America to penetration by Communism. Bearing on the basic question of the recognition of the Soviet, here are significant quotations:

The very special agent from Moscow, Commissar of all the Red Square's nefarious international machinations, chief of the Kremlin's schemes for communizing the American hemisphere, sat victoriously at the White House desk at midnight, smiling at the President of the United States.

For fifteen deceitful years the corrupt Kremlin had tried to obtain a communist base, protected by diplomatic immunities, within the United States; four Presidents -- Wilson, Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover -- had refused to countenance Moscow's pagan ideology or its carriers. But here, at last, was a President the communists could deal with.

Many patriotic, well-informed Americans, in the old Department of State, in the American Legion, and in the American Federation of Labor, had begged Franklin Roosevelt not to use his new leadership of the United States for the aggrandizement of an evil, dangerous and pagan guest -- but to send him back to Moscow, red with the blood of the Commissar's own countrymen, without a handshake.

But Franklin Roosevelt, piqued with the power of his new office, stimulated by the clique of Marxian and Fabian socialists posing as intellectuals and liberals -- and by radicals in labor unions, universities, and his own sycophant bureaucracy -- had signed his name to the Kremlin's franchise. Without the approval of Congress, he made an actual treaty with the Soviets, giving them the right to establish a communist embassy and consulates in the United States, with full diplomatic hospitalities and immunities to Stalin's agents, the bloody bolsheviki. . .

November 16, 1933 -- at midnight! That is a date in American history our children will long have tragic cause to remember. That was the day Soviet Foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinov, plunderer of Estonia and the Kremlin;s first agent for socializing England, sat down with Franklin Roosevelt, after Dean Acheson and Henry Morgenthau had done the spadework of propaganda, and made the deal that has led the American people, and our once vast resources, into a social and economic calamity to the very brink, now, of national and international disaster. . .

One of the greatest concentrations of factual information, wise analyses, police records and military intelligence ever to pile up spontaneously on one subject in Washington, all documenting the liabilities of dealing with the Kremlin, had no effect on Franklin Roosevelt. He had appointed Henry Morgenthau and Dean Acheson, both proteges of Felix Frankfurter, to "study" trade opportunities between the U.S.S.R. and the United States, and he praised their report of the benefits to come to all U.S. citizens from Soviet "friendship."

The record shows that Cordell Hull, upon the receipt of this authentic document disclosing the Soviet's continuing duplicity, sent a note of protest to Moscow, but President Roosevelt could not be persuaded to withdraw his diplomatic recognition. He began, instead, the "reorganization" of the State Department in Washington and the dispatching -- to far, isolated posts -- of its anti-communist career officers.

The Roosevelt-Stalin Deal, of November, 1933, has been so costly to us, as a nation and as a hemisphere, that the full appraisal of our losses and liabilities will not be known for several generations. The Kremlin's gains within the United States and communism's cost to us is only now, in 1951 -- after eighteen years of suffering a Soviet embassy in our Capital, and its agents to roam the States -- coming to public consciousness.

It has truly been a costly era of mysterious friendship for an appeasement of the devil, of un-American compromises with deceit and pagan ideologies. Some of its protagonists are now dead, their graves monuments to our present predicament, but others, again mysteriously, have been allowed to step into their strategic places.

Under the sort of government described by Mr. La Varre in his Legion article, large numbers of recently arrived and recently naturalized "citizens" and their ideological associates were infiltrated by appointment, or by civil service, into the State Department, the presidential coterie, and other sensitive spots in the government. Among those who feathered their Washington nests in this period were not only leftist East Europeans, but actual Communist converts or "sell-outs" to the Communist party among native Americans. The solicitude of President F. D. Roosevelt for America's Communists was constant, as was shown in his steady opposition to proposed curbs upon them. Ex-Congressman Martin Dies, former Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Un-American Activities, bears witness in lectures (one of them heard by the author, 1950) that he was several times summoned to the White House by President Roosevelt and told -- with suggestions of great favors to come -- that he must stop annoying Communists (see Chapter IV). To the unyielding Dies, Roosevelt,s climactic argument was "We need those votes!" A speech (May 17, 1951) on a similar theme by Mr. Dies has been published by the American Heritage Protective Committee (601 Bedell Building, San Antonio, Texas, 25 cents). Another speech by Mr, Dies, "White House Protects Communists in Government," was inserted (September 22, 1950) in the Congressional Record by Congressman Harold H. Velde of Illinois.

The government was infiltrated with "risks" from the above described grooups of Eastern Europeans and with contaminated native Americans, but those were not all. After the beginning of World War II, so-called "refugees" immediately upon arrival in this country were by executive order introduced into sensitive government positions without the formality of having them wait for citizenship, and without any investigation of their reasons for leaving Europe. The way for this infiltration was paved by an executive order providing specifically that employment could not be denied on the grounds of race, creed, or national origin.

Since no form of investigation could be made by the United Stated in the distant and hostile areas from which these refugees came, and since their number contained persons sympathetic to the Soviet Union, this executive order was a potential and in many instanced a realized death blow to security.

Almost as if for a double check against security, the control of security measures in the new atom projects was not entrusted to the expert F.B.I., but to the atomic officials themselves. In view of their relative inexperience in such matters and in view of the amazing executive order so favorable to alien employees, the atomic officials were probably less to blame for the theft of atomic secrets than the "left-of-center" administrations which appointed them. Among those admitted to a proper spot for learning atomic secrets was the celebrated alien, the British subject -- but not British-born -- Klaus Fuchs. Other atomic spies, all aliens or of alien associations, were named in Chapter II.

Next to the atomic energy employees, the United Public Workers of America offered perhaps the best opportunity for the theft of secrets vital to the U.S. defense. This union included a generous number of people of Eastern European stock or connections, among them Leonard Goldsmith and Robert Weinstein, organizers of Panama Canal workers, and both of them said to have definite Communist affiliations (Liberty, May, 1948). This union -- whose chief bloc of members was in Washington -- was later expelled (March 1, 1950) by the C.I.O. on charges of being Communist-dominated ("Directory of Labor Unions in the United States," Bulletin No. 980, U.S. Dept. of Labor, 1950. 25c). However, if the U.S. Government has shown any signs of being as particular about its employee (see Tydings Committee Report, U.S. Senate, 1950) as the C.I.O. is about its members, the fact has escaped the attention of the author.

As the years passed, the infiltration of Eastern Europeans into the government had swelled to a torrent. Many of these persons, of course, were not Communists and were not sympathetic with Communist aims. As repeated elsewhere in this book, the contrary is neither stated nor implied. the author's purpose is simply to show that persons of Eastern European stock, or of an ideology not influential in the days of the founding and formative period of our country, have in recent years risen to many of the most strategic spots in the Roosevelt-Truman Democratic Party and thereby to positions of great and often decisive power in shaping the policy of the United States. The subject was broached by W. M. Kiplinger in a book, Washington Is Like That (Harper and Brothers, 1942). According to a Reader's Digest condensation (September, 1942), entitled "The Facts About Jews in Washington," Jews were by 1942 conspicuously "numerous" in government agencies and departments concerned with money, labor, and justice. The situation stemmed from the fact that "non-Jewish officials within government, acting under the direction of the President," were "trying to get various agencies to employ more Jews. . ."

The influence of persons of Eastern European origin, or of related origin or ideology, reached its peak (thus far) with Mr. Milton Katz at the helm of U.S. policy in Europe (to mid -1951) with Mrs. Anna Rosenberg in charge of the manpower of the U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Corps; with Mr. Manly Fleischman as Administrator of the Defense Production Administration; and with Mr. Nathan P. Feinsinger (New York Times, August 30, 1951) as Chairman of the Wage Stabilization Board. :Likewise, in October, 1948, when President Truman appointed a "committee on religious and moral welfare and character guidance in the armed forces," he named as Chairman "Frank L. Weil, of New York, a lawyer, and President of the National Jewish Welfare Board" (New York Times, October 28, 1948).

It is interesting to note the prominence of persons of Khazar or similar background or association in the Socialist minority government of the United Kingdom, and in French polities, beginning with Leon Blum. Among them are the Rt. Hon. Emanuel Shinwell and Minister Jules Moch -- archfoe of Marshal Petain -- who have recently held defense portfolios in the British and French cabinets respectively. Just as in America the non-Christian characteristically joins the Democratic Party, so in Britain he joins the leftist Labor Party. Thus the British house of Commons, sitting in the summer of 1951, had 21 Jews among its Labor members and none among its Conservative members. Whatever his racial antecedents, Mr. Clement Attlee, long leader of the British "Labor" Party and Socialist Prime Minister (1945-1951) has for many years received international notoriety as a Communist sympathizer. For instance, he visited and praised the "English company" in the international Communist force in the Spanish Civil War (see photograph and facsimile in The International Brigades, Spanish Office of Information, Madrid, 1948, p. 134).

A few persons of Eastern European origin or background -- or associated with persons of such background -- in positions high or strategic, or both, have already been named by the author, and others, when their prominence demands it, will be named in the pages which follow. The author hereby assures the reader -- again -- that no reflection of any kind is intended and that he has no reason for believing that any of these people are other than true to their convictions.

First on any list of Americans of Eastern European origin should be the Vienna-born Felix Frankfurter, who in the middle twentieth century appears to have replaced "the stock of the Puritans" as the shining light and symbol of Harvard University. After leaving his professorship in the Harvard Law School, Dr. Frankfurter became a Supreme Court Justice and President Franklin Roosvelt's top-flight adviser on legal and other matters. In the formation of our national policies his influence is almost universally rated as supreme. "I suppose that Felix Frankfurter . . . has more influence in Washington than any other American" wrote Rev. John P. Sheerin, Editor of The Catholic World (March, 1951, p. 405), and the Chicago Tribune, owned by the Presbyterian Colonel Robert R. McCormick, has voiced a similar opinion. In fact, Mr. Justice Frankfurter is frequently referred to by those who know their way around Washington as the "President" of the United States. In a recent "gag" the question "Do you want to see a new picture of the President of the United States? is followed up by showing a likeness of Frankfurter.

Mr. Justice Frankfurter is influential not only in counsel but in furthering the appointment of favored individuals to strategic positions. The so-called "Frankfurter;s boys' include Mr. Acheson, with whom the justice takes daily walks, weather permitting (New York Times, January 19, 1949); Alger Hiss; Lee Pressman; David Niles, long Counsellor of the Department of State; David Lilienthal, long Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission John J. McCloy, Joe Rauh, Nathan Margold; Donald Hiss, brother to Alger, and "now a member of the Acheson law firm"; Milton Katz; and former Secretary of War Robert Patterson, "a hundred per cent Frankfurter employee" (all names and quotes in this paragraph are from Drew Pearson's syndicated column, February 1, 1950).

A powerful government figure, the Russian-born Isador Lubin, was frequently summoned by President F. D. Roosevelt for the interpreting of statistics ("send for Lube"); and was subsequently a United States representative to the UN (article in New York Times, August 8, 1951). Leo Pasvolsky, Russian-born, was long a power in the Department of State, being, among other things, "in charge of international organization and security affairs," 1945-1946 (Who's Who in America, Vol. 26, 1950-51, p. 2117). Among others very close to Roosevelt II were Samuel Rosenman, who as "special counsel" was said to write many of the President's speeches; Henry Morgenthau, Secretary of the Treasury and sponsor of the vicious Morgenthau, Plan; and Herbert Lehman, Director General (1943 to 1946) of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), most of whose funds -- principally derived from the U.S. -- were diverted to countries which were soon to become Soviet satellites as a result of the Yalta and Potsdam surrenders.

Strategic positions currently or recently held by persons of Eastern European origin, or ideological association with such people, include a number of Assistant Secretaryships to members of the Cabinet, among them incumbents in such sensitive spots as Defense, Justice (Customs and Solicitor General's Office) and Labor; the governorships of vital outposts such as Alaska (three miles from Russia) and the Virgin Islands (near the Panama Canal); appointments in the Executive Office of the President of the United States; positions in organizations devoted to international trade and assistance; membership on the Atomic Energy Commission; and membership, which may best be described as wholesale, in the U.S. delegation to the United Nations.

The number of persons of Eastern European origin or connection in appointive positions of strategic significance in our national government is strikingly high in proportion to the total number of such persons in America. On the contrary, in elective positions, the proportion of such persons is strikingly below their numerical proportion to the total population. The question arises; Does the high ratio of appointed persons of Eastern European origin or contacts in United States strategic positions reflect the will of the U.S. people? If not, what controlling will does it reflect?