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Editor: Mike Coyle
Assistant Editor: Rick Lawler
Research: Darrell Bross
The author of the following speech, Lloyd deMause, is the editor
of _The Journal_of_Psychohistory_, POB 401, New York, NY 10024,
212.799.2294; 3 Henriette St., London, England WC2E 8LU,
01.240.0856. Subscription Rates: U.S.: Individuals--$52.00 one
THE SOCIAL ALTER
By Lloyd deMause
This speech was given at the Eighteenth Annual Convention of the
International Psychohistorical Association on June 7, 1995 in
New York City.
Social theorists have not been much interested in psychology.
Durkheim, in fact, founded sociology with books on suicide and
incest that claimed they are wholly without psychological
causes1. Sociologists still echo Durkheim's obiter dicta against
psychology. Most today agree with C. Wright Mills, who told me
when I was his research assistant at Columbia University, "Study
only enough psychology to make sure you can answer the bastards
when they attack you."
Psychologists, for their part, have their own massive denial
system: ever since Freud and began to reveal the ubiquity of
sexual seduction of children, he and most psychotherapists since
then have denied that the widespread child abuse around them was
the cause of emotional problems. As Freud said, "sexual assaults
on small children happen too often for them to have any
Freud's opinion during his entire life was that children could be
physically, sexually and emotionally abused without psychological
effects. He did not think that having sex with children was
traumatic, In fact, he sometimes said seduction was beneficial,
as, for instance, when women seduce little boys: "One can
regularly observe in the circle of one's acquaintances that...men
who have been seduced by women at an early age escape
neurasthenia."2 Freud nowhere describes the rape of children as a
betrayal of trust or as painful or as horrifying to the helpless
child. He believed it presented problems only in the sense that
it provided pleasurable but "unconsummated" excitation."3 Sexual
seductions, he said, "produced no effect on the child"4 until a
later assault awakened the memory by "deferred action."5 Freud
even sided with the perpetrator. In the case of Dora, for
instance, who was at 14 molested by a friend of her father's,
Freud said, by a "kiss upon her lips [and] the pressure of his
erect member against her body,"6 Freud backed the father who said
she should have not objected, since the molester was a friend.
Freud declared the girl "hysterical" if she complained about the
assault on her: "I should without question consider a person
hysterical in whom an occasion for sexual excitement elicited
feeling that were preponderantly or exclusively
unpleasurable..."7 His colleagues usually blamed the victim too.
Abraham called sexual molestation of his patients by adults
"desired by the child unconsciously [because of an] abnormal
psyche-sexual constitution,"8 concluding they had "an abnormal
desire for obtaining sexual pleasure, and in consequence of this
undergo sexual traumas [rape]."9
Nor has opinion changed in either academia or psychiatry lately.
While many give lip service to the immorality of sexual assault
on children, their real opinion, I have found from having given
hundreds of speeches on the history of child abuse to academic
and mental health audiences in the U.S. and Europe, is quite
different. Academics who are concerned with human sexuality
mostly agree with Kinsey ("It is difficult to understand why) a
child...should be disturbed at having its genitalia touched,")10
his co-author Pomeroy ("incest between adults and younger
children can...be a satisfying and enriching experience,")11
sexual historians Edwardes and Masters ("there is no shame in
being a...pederast or a rapist if one is satisfied,")12 child
sexuality expert social worker LeRoy Schultz "[incest is] a
positive, healthy experience")13 or any of the hundreds of others
in anthropology, psychology and history who determine the basic
propedophile agenda in their fields today.14 The same is true for
psychiatry. I recently was invited to address the American
Psychiatric Association Convention in Philadelphia on the subject
"The History of Child Assault." I gave far more evidence than I
have cited here showing that the majority of children in all
periods of history and all nations were sexually abused. They
questioned me for a while, asking for even more evidence, and
then seemed to admit that what I said was true. Then, for the
last half hour, they ignored me, and discussed among themselves
the following propositions: "If childhood sexual abuse has been
so widespread for so long, perhaps we are wrong, perhaps we
shouldn't be creating a conflict in children's minds. Since
everyone does it, maybe sex between children and adults isn't
wrong at all." Plus: "What might gentle incest be like?" After
hearing this, I was not surprised when, a few months later, the
American Psychiatric Association took pedophilia off their
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV), saying according to
one disgusted psychiatrist, that "a person is no longer a
pedophile simply because he molests children...He is a pedophile
ONLY if he feels bad or anxious about what he's doing;"
otherwise, having sex with children is a perfectly normal
This massive denial of the origin of individual emotional
problems in the traumatic abuse of children is in fact one and
the same as the massive denial of the psychological origins of
social behavior. They are two sides of the same historical coin.
Both are rooted in the fact that our deepest fears are stored in
a dissociated part of the brain that remains largely unexplored
and is the source of the historical restaging of these traumas.
Only when the contents and psychodynamics of these dissociated
traumatic memories are made fully conscious can we understand the
waking nightmare that we call history.
To achieve this understanding, we can draw upon the resources of
neurobiology, experimental and clinical psychology, history and
the other social sciences to provide a fully scientific
psychogenic theory of history. I will first review briefly recent
advances in the understanding of the neurobiology of trauma and
its dissociation and storage in a separate module of the brain.
The extensive work of LeDoux16 has provided wide evidence that
there are two memory systems in the brain, the earliest, the
early emotional memory system, being located in neural networks
centering on the amygdala, while the later, verbal, declarative
memory system is located in networks centering on the
hippocampus, which does not begin to mature until we are 3 to 4
years of age. Early fears and other traumatic memories, even in
other mammals, are not only stored in this separate module of the
brain, they are fairly permanent, and are usually inaccessible to
the conscious working memory of your prefrontal cortex with which
you think. LeDoux thus gives a neurobiological basis for the
psychotherapist's finding that everyone continues to react to
dissociated early memories as though they were vividly present
later in adult life. Later communication between the emotional
and the declarative memory systems is extremely difficult; it is
only accomplished with effort, by following in psychotherapy the
associations of memories (that is bundles of neurons) "clumped"
together in this separate memory module. LeDoux actually shows
microscopic photos of these new neuronal connections in the
amygdala, providing direct evidence for the existence of the
initial amnesia and later recapture of unconscious memories.
Van der Kolk17 and others have further established that these
early traumas not only have separate neural modules, but, in
addition, result in intense overstimulation of neurotransmitter
neurons in the central nervous system, producing extreme
hypersensitivity and imbalance in such important
neurotransmitters as catecholamines and particularly serotonin.
Coleman18 has seen the serotonin level drop precipitously in an
11-month-old baby following the sudden death of his 8-year-old
sister, and has experimentally shown early stress in both animals
and humans can lower serotonin levels and cause anxious, agitated
feelings and behavior. Roy has shown the role of low serotonin
levels in suicide, violence and alcoholism, and Buck has
successfully reduced these violent behaviors through serotonin
uptake inhibitors alone.19 In fact, enough is now known about the
linage between low serotonin levels and aggressive behavior to
suggest that the best hope for humankind in another nuclear
standoff like the Cuban Missile Crisis will be to dump massive
doses of Prozac, a serotonin agonist, into the water supply of
the capitols of the nations involved.
Other neurobiologists20 have linked early trauma and
neurotransmitter imbalances and resulting neuronal receptor
hypersensitivities with depression, panic attacks, intrusive
flashbacks to traumatic images, explosive anger and social
violence. In addition, surges of catacholamines21 plus endogenous
opioid release, meant to blunt the painful affect, that later
accompany traumatic memories may produce addiction and restaging
of the traumas in order to momentarily obtain relief of anxiety.
This restaging can be accomplished individually, through
addiction to retramatization, or socially, through trance rituals
that inflict pain in preliterate groups or in the manic
restagings of nations such as in wars and revolutions. In all of
these restagings, people first become hypervigilant and paranoid
as catacholamine imbalances and serotonin depletion lead them to
expect attack, then engage in sacrificial restaging rituals that
are usually both sadistic-inflicting the trauma upon others--and
masochistic--destroying your own wealth and even sacrificing your
own lives. The result is a feeling of relief that we have
survived the apocalypse in our heads plus a feeling of triumph
produced by the manic opioid surge.
Thus our early traumas become wired into separate emotional
memory module and become projected onto the historical stage in
such a manner that they appear to be happening to the group
rather than being internal, creating group-fantasies so intense
and compelling that they take on a life of their own, a life that
is imagined as happening in a dissociated sphere called
"society." History, therefore, is a dissociative disorder
designed to help achieve homoeostasis by discharging increasing
anxieties experienced in common with others.
Let us consider a typical example. An anti-abortion demonstrator
goes home at night after picketing an abortion clinic. He has
trouble getting to sleep. He falls asleep, then wakes up from a
nightmare in which he hears a fetus screaming out, "Help! They're
trying to kill me!" He gets up, goes out to the abortion clinic
and shoots a doctor.
What the traumatic restaging model sees in this typical
"political" act is a person reliving an earlier personal fear of
being killed, a fear that began with his experiencing some sort
of terrible distress while a helpless baby or even as a fetus and
compounded by other traumatic fears during his childhood. These
early traumas are stored in his early emotional memory module
which acts as a "trauma sink" to collect his traumatic incidents
and related defenses so that the fully conscious main part of his
personality can proceed with daily living tasks.
This separate, dissociated self begins with our very first
traumatic memories and feelings and is experienced as a world of
fantasy, peopled by witches and dragons and heroes and monsters,
organized by narratives in books and on TV and played out with
toys and games and in peer groups all split-off parts of the
psyche, experienced as "not-me" and dissociated From "real"
personal life, but all nevertheless very real and emotionally
intense. As the child grows up, he or she begins to integrate
this fantasy life into his or her social life with peers in
"play," using cultural content to create scenarios that become
adult group-fantasies that embody, re-enact and provide defenses
against early traumatic content. These group-fantasies are
dissociated and seem to have a life of their own, a life we term
"social" or "political" or "religious." The process is similar to
that observed in the creation of alters, or alternate
personalities, in people who have Multiple Personality Disorders.
The condition has three criteria: (a) the personalities seem to
be distinct, (b) the dominant personality at any particular time
determines the individual's behavior, and (c) each personality is
complex and integrated with its own unique behavior patterns.22
There are four core dissociative symptoms: amnesia,
depersonalization, derealization and identity alteration.23
Severe, repeated child abuse almost always lies behind this
dissociative disorder. Kluft says, "Most multiples, as children,
have been physically brutalized, psychologically assaulted,
sexually violated, and affectively overwhelmed"24 as Ross puts
a multiple personality disorder is a little girl imagining
that the abuse is happening to someone else. The imaging
is so intense and subjectively compelling, and is
reinforced so many times by the ongoing trauma, that the
created identities seem to take on a life of their own,
though they are all parts of one person.25
Alters--often a dozen or more of them--usually have different
names, handwriting, voices, vocabularies, expressions, even EEG
alpha rhythms, and are often amnesic of each other's
activities.26 Often an alter is frozen in time, stuck in the
trauma that gave it birth, and child personalities will often
expect to be sexually assaulted by the therapist, who is mistaken
for the abuser from the past and cower in the corner, fearing the
In addition to the host personality, who is often depressed,
masochistic, compulsively good and suffers from time losses,
there are alters such as fearful children who recall the traumas,
inner persecutors, expressors of forbidden impulses, avengers,
apologists for the abusers, and so on. Sometimes the alter will
be just a fragment of the past. For instance, one alter of a
woman was named "Flash," continuously reliving the memory of the
floodlights used during the pornographic filming of repeated
rapes when she was three years old or another of her alters who
was called "Adu," from when she was gang raped at twelve and her
boyfriend, Andrew, was shot and: she screamed out his name over
and over, a screaming inside her head that continued for ten
years.28 The formation of such alters is life-saving, allowing
the host personality to defend against unbearable trauma and
continue living. Their tragedy is that these alters restage their
traumas in adult life, in what Kluft calls "revictimization
behaviors" or "the sitting duck syndrome," during which they feel
they are taking control of the abuse and at least ending the
intolerable agony of waiting for it to happen.29
The abortion clinic bomber also has an alter who turns his
helplessness and fears of being hurt as a baby into an act of
violence toward a scapegoat, the abortion doctor, thereby acting
out his revenge for his earlier traumas. Many multiple
personality patients similarly report hearing voices of infants
crying out or screaming in distress, asking to be rescued.30 The
main difference is that in the case of the anti-abortion bomber
many other people in society collude with his central delusion
that he must avenge fetuses to retain his sanity.
A group-fantasy, then, is produced by a collection of social
alters as an agreement by groups of people to pool their traumas
into a delusional social construction. Social alters have four
(1) they are separate neural memory modules that are
repositories for traumatic events and accompanying
feelings frozen in time,
(2) organized into dynamic structures containing a different
set of goals, values and defenses than the main self that
help prevent the traumas and resulting despair from
overwhelming the one's life,
(3) split off by a seamless wall of denial,
depersonalization, discontinuity of affect and disownership
of responsibility that is maintained in collusion with
others in society who have similar alters to deny, and that
(4) communicated, elaborated and acted out in
group-fantasies embedded in political, religious and social
Social alters are distinct, separate, complex, integrated, and
with their own repertoire of behaviors that are dominant in the
social sphere. The main difference between social alters and most
alters of a multiple personality disorder is that social alters
replace the usual denial of recent actions by amnesia by denial
of emotional connection to these actions, maintained through
group collusion. Thus, even though one may be co-consciousness of
the activities and feelings of one's social alter, one has no
consciousness of the connections between it and the rest of one's
emotional life; in other words, one always goes to war because of
the chance appearance of an enemy, never because of anything that
is currently happening in one's head or heart.
Social alters are organized neural modules providing emotional
suitcases into which we stuff our most traumatic split-off fears
and feelings, containing our continuing lives as traumatized
children, abuser apologists, inner persecutors, heroic avengers,
and other consciously intolerable parts of ourselves. Except for
a few psychopaths and psychotics, most of us keep these suitcases
in the closet with the door locked, seemingly away from our daily
lives, but we lend the keys to group delegates whom we depend
upon to act out their contents for us so we can deny ownership of
the actions. Periodically, when our despair becomes too great to
dump into others and our alters seem too distant so that we feel
depleted of vital parts of ourselves, these suitcases explode,
and their fearsome contents are loosed upon our everyday life in
what we term wars or revolutions or other social violence.
Even the language of social alters is special, since they must
communicate with other social alters in elliptical form in order
that their unacceptable true content may remain hidden to our
main selves. Therefore, group-fantasies are often conveyed by
subliminal embedded messages rather than clear, overt language.
Groups speak this embedded language when they are in a group
trance. Leaders of groups must therefore be adept at trance
induction techniques in order to accomplish their delegated
It is not difficult to see face-to-face members of a small group
switch into their social alters. As the group gathers, people
chat, laugh, argue and interact from their central selves. At a
certain moment, however, "when the time comes for the group to
form," individuals switch into their social alters a
group-trance31 forms, language and demeanor change, people feel
somehow detached, estranged from their usual range of feelings,
deskilled of critical faculties, a leader is imagined to be "in
control" and to contain a life-sustaining fluid, group boundaries
are imagined, enemies arise, factions form to act out splits, and
empathy diminishes. it is now acceptable, in fact necessary, to
exploit and abuse others. Scapegoats volunteer for sacrifice, a
group bible and group history and group spirit and other
delusional group-fantasies form, and group life begins, seemingly
a more emotionally vital life than everyday life, despite a
certain sleepiness that is a result of the group trance. When the
group "ends," often with a trance-breaking clap of hands termed
applause, people switch back to their central personalities,
experience a tremendous emotional let-down as vital parts of
themselves are lost, are disoriented for a moment and mourn the
group's ending--in the same manner as multiple personalities
often feel more connected to their real feelings when they are
"in" their alters.
Nations, home of our social alters, act out what seems to be a
nonpersonal history because social events appear to exist "in
reality" but seem not to be a result of the intentions or
emotions of any individual. Since the emotional connections
between society and self are amnesic--nations appear to operate
sui generis--individuals can deny responsibility for what they do
and social events can appear to be wholly without motivation.
Thus historians can write tens of thousands of volumes on war
without ever once mentioning the word "anger." The world has
agreed to apply these emotional only to individual actions, and
collude in saying that wars are fought only by abstract entities
called nations that do not feel anger, groups that are alters to
us because they embody and carry out our group-fantasies. The
"nation" part of us never talks to our "real" self and is
considered to be not really part of us. Soldiers who kill in
wars, for instance, are not personally called murderers and
politicians who cut off welfare to children are not personally
child killers because these actions are imagined to be part of a
different reality system, a dream-world of pooled social alters
that is not really our responsibility, somehow not really "us."
That we can all switch between our central selves and our social
alters so easily without anyone noticing it is a testimony to the
power of the social trance. It is not difficult to watch C-Span
on TV and see politicians switch back and forth between their
central selves and their social alters. For instance, I recently
watched on C-SPAN as Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich stood on
the floor of Congress and spoke for hours about the necessity for
cutting all kinds of government allowances for children, actions
that would deprive millions of children of basic food and
shelter. Then, in a blink of an eye, I watched him switch from
his social alter back to his main self and call for government
tax credits for poor children to buy laptop computers so they
could get on the Internet.
What had happened psychologically was something like this.
Gingrich had just been inaugurated as Speaker of the House,
becoming world famous and appearing on the covers of all the
newsweeklies, and had just received a book contract for $4.5
million. The success of his central self made his social alter,
needy-baby Newt, son of an unwed teenage mother who could not
give him love,32 feel jealous and cry out "ME TOO! I NEED SOME!"
His central self was threatened with being overwhelmed with the
memories of deprivation and despair and dependency that he had so
long walled off. Rather than feel this despair, he handled it by
dumping it into millions of children and letting them feel it for
him, saying sufficient food and shelter would make them feel "too
dependent." Others accepted his delusional actions as "social,"
not "personal," never asking why suddenly the nation's most
important agenda was to pass federal legislation punishing
children--one even prohibiting states from paying for baby
diapers.33 Other Congressmen began calling welfare recipients
living in poverty "alligators" and "wolves;" one waved a sign on
the floor of Congress that said "Don't feed the alligators."34
If helpless people are hallucinated to be vicious alligators,
then obviously scapegoats exist as "poison containers" to feel
our memories of hunger and despair at being unloved. Without
poison containers, we would have to feel them for ourselves.
Gingrich knew he was acting as a delegate for millions of other
Americans who, like himself, had been feeling successful recently
(corporate profits had just soared 40 percent, the stock market
was up 20 percent) and who now wanted poor children to feel their
emotions for them, so his speech was full of his manic
excitement. To emphasize the point that it was our abused child
alter that was the target, legislation to repeal the Child Abuse
Prevention and Treatment Act was passed. After Gingrich finished
his anti-children speech, he felt better, having punished his
"greedy" child alter, and then switched from his angry, detached
alter voice back into his more friendly-voiced main personality
and talked about giving ghetto children computers, which he
himself enjoys using to surf the Internet.
Each Gingrich personality was amnesic to the meaning of what the
other said. His main self was separated from his social alter by
a wall of denial that others colluded with him in maintaining.
Millions of people watching him or reading about his speeches the
next day agreed not to notice that two very different Gingriches
had spoken. They either nodded in agreement with his ideas or, at
most, said that providing laptop computers for ghetto kids while
cutting off their food was a "crazy" idea. One journalist whose
column was headed "Newt to Poor: Let Them Eat Laptops,"35 pointed
out that ghetto children don't have much use for tax credits
since they don't pay taxes, but even he wasn't curious how
Gingrich could simultaneously champion both starvation and
computers for poor children. Like early observers of multiple
personalities, we often label other people "crazy" when they
reveal social alters that aren't logical, but we never really
analyze how and why and when they move in and out of these
It is useless to point out to people who are dissociated and in a
social trance that dependent children or any other poison
containers are helpless human beings who are the victims of their
political actions. The Nazi commandant of Auschwitz, Rudolf Hoss,
when asked if the Jews he killed had deserved their fate, replied
that "there was something unrealistic about such a question,
because [we] had been living in an entirely different world,"
that is, the world of social alters. Jews weren't personally
hated. Their blood had to flow in order to purify the blood of
Germany. They weren't human, real. How could one ask if they
deserved to be killed? "It never even occurred to us," he said.36
Poison containers live in a different world, a world of alters.
It is the task of leaders to make them appear real rather than
being just in our heads. As Louis Farrakhan often tells his
followers, "You really are being persecuted, Let me help you by
naming your persecutors. [You'll] realize that the source of
aggression and evil is out there, in the real world. And you
thought it was all in your head!"37 By making social anxiety
seem real, leaders help us regulate our neurotransmitter
imbalances through social action, using "society" as an inner
It is only because our social alters merge with the perpetrators
in our heads that such massive cruelties as social exploitation
and wars can be inflicted without the central self being
overwhelmed by personal guilt. The switch to one's social alter
is particularly dramatic in those who have powerful conversion
experiences, like the one Paul had at Damascus. This involves an
apocalyptic moment when the person has a vision-like "inner
voice" (alter) conversion experience that (a) all their
difficulties in life have been caused by Evil, (b) they
themselves have been sinful, (c) merging with a violent leader is
necessary to save them, (d) a final battle with Evil is near and
(e) they have been chosen to fight this final battle.38 There is
evidence that this apocalyptic merging with the aggressor was
experienced, for instance, by Hitler,39 in a "supernatural
vision" that produced an "inner rapture," presumably the feeling
generated by merging with the father that beat him regularly with
a hippopotamus whip when he was a little child. Further, most of
the Nazis who wrote their autobiographies for the book Why Hitler
Came to Power had similar conversion experiences in which they in
periods of personal despair imagined they had merged with
Hitler.40 So, too, most of the American "militia" members have
had this merging-with-the-perpetrator "conversion" experience.
The dream-world of the social alter, then, is the ultimate source
of the emotional life of all groups, including nations. When
America's central group-fantasy is a castrating Lorena
Bobbit/Hillary Clinton, as it was in Clinton's first two years,
we know that the bloodthirsty mommy in our social alter is our
main concern. When, ever since O.J. grabbed that knife away from
Lorena Bobbit and plunged it into Nicole's neck, our dominant
group-fantasy is Connie Chung and other women in cartoons with
knives stuck in their backs, and we know we have shifted to our
revenge alter and are now in a manic merging with the aggressor
phase. And when America sends its troops into Bosnia, we will
have shifted to our sacrifice the child upheaval phase.
Trying to investigate and integrate these deep emotions of our
social alters is a therapeutic task of considerable dimensions,
involving the establishment of new neural connections between our
conscious declarative memory system and our dissociated emotional
neural network. This is why it is essential that the
psychohistorian consider social alters as valuable subjects of
study. Psychotherapists, sensing the depth of irrationality in
their clients' social alters, shy away from examining their
political and religious opinions, their social alters, and
thereby miss confronting their earliest memories and most
primitive defenses. Psychohistory must take up this task and
carry out this voyage of self-discovery under the conviction that
nothing can ever be discovered about society "out there" until it
is first seen as existing "in here."
1 Emile Durkheim, Suicide: A Study in Sociology. Glencoe, Ill.:
Free Press, 1951; Incest: The Nature and Origin of the Taboo. New
York: L. Stuart, 1963.
2 Masson, Ed. Letters, p. 40-41.
3 Kriill, Freud and His Father, p. 12.
4 Freud, Standard Edition. Vol. II, p. 133.
5 Ibid, Vol. I, p. 356; Vol. III, p. 167.
6 Ibid, p. 30.
7 Ibid, p. 28.
8 Karl Abraham, "The Experiencing of Sexual Traumas as a
Form of Sexual Activity." In Selected Papers of Karl Abraham.
London: Hogarth Press, 1948, p. 48.
9 Ibid, p. 54.
10 Alfred Kensey, Wardell Pomery and Clyde Martin, Sexual
Behavior in the Human Male. Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders
Co., p. 121.
11 Walter B. Pomeroy, "A New Look at Incest." Penthouse Forum,
November, 1976, p. 10.
12 Allen Edwardes and R. E. L. Masters, The Cradle of Erotica.
New York: The Julian Press, 1963, p. 22.
13 Schultz's keynote speech at the first national conference on
the sexual abuse of children is cited in Sam Janus, The Death of
Innocence: How Our Children Are Endangered by the New Sexual
Freedom. New York: William Merrow & Co., 1981, p. 126.
14 See the list of books and Journals-particularly The Journal of
the History of Sexuality and The Journal of Homosexuality cited
in deMause, "The Universality of Incest," p. 131.
15 Joseph Nicolosi, NARTH Bulletin, April 1995, p. 1.
16 Joseph E. LeDoux, Scientific American, June, 1994, pp. 50-57.
17 H. A. van der Kolk, Psychological Trauma. Washington, D.C.:
American Psychiatric Press, 1987.
18 Mary Coleman, "Environmental Effects on Serotonin in
Children." Unpub. paper; Mary Coleman, "Platelet Serotonin in
Disturbed Monkeys and Children." Clinical Proceedings of the
Children's Hospital. f27(1971): 187-194.
19 A. Roy, M. Virkkunen, M. Linnoila, "Serotonin in Suicide,
Violence, and Alcoholism," in E. F. Coccaro, D. L. Murphy, Eds.
ASerotonin in Major Psychiatric Disorders Washington, D.C.:
American Psychiatric Press, 1990; Owen D. Buck, "Sertraline for
Reduction of Violent Behavior." American Journal of Psychiatry
20 John P. Wilson, Trauma, Transformation, and Healing. New York:
Brunner/Mazel, 1989; Jan Volavka, Neurobiology of Violence.
Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1995.
21 22 For the various DSM III, DSM IIIR and proposed DSM VI
diagnostic criteria, see Richard P. Kluft, "Multiple Personality
Disorder." In David Spiegel, et al, Dissociative Disorders: A
Clinical Review. Lutherville, Maryland: The Sidran Press, 1993,
23 Marlene Stinberg, "Systematizing Dissociation: Symptomatology
and Diagnostic Assessment." In David Spiegel, Ed. Dissociation:
Culture, Mind, and Body. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric
Press, 1994, p. 60.
24 Richard P. Kluft, "Basic Principles in Conducting the
Psychotherapy of Multiple Personality Disorder." In Ray
Aldridge-Morris, Multiple Personality: An Exercise in Deception.
London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989, p. 45; Frank W.
Putnam, Diagnosis and Treatment of Multiple Personality Disorder.
New York: Guilford Press, 1989, p. 48.
25 Colin A. Ross, The Osiris Complex: Case-Studies in Multiple
Personality Disorder. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994,
26 Bennett G. Braun, Ed. Treatment of Multiple Personality
Disorder. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1986;
Frank W. Putnam, Diagnosis and Treatment of Multiple Personality
Disorder. New York: Guilford Press, 1989; David Spiegel, et al,
Dissociative Disorders: A Clinical Review. Lutherville, Maryland:
The Sidran Press, 1993; Colin A. Ross, Multiple Personality
Disorder: Diagnosis, Clinical Features, and Treatment. New York:
John Wiley & Sons, 1989; Richard P. Kluft and Catherine G. Fine,
Eds. Clinical Perspectives on Multiple Personality Disorder.
Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1993; Philip M.
Coons, "Psychophysiologic Aspects of Multiple Personality
Disorder: A Review." Dissociation 1(1988): 47-53; David A. Oakley
and Lesley C. Fames, "The Plurality of Consciousness." In David
A. Oakley, Ed., Brain and Mind. London: Methuen, 1985, p.236.
27 Colin A. Ross, The Osiris Complex, p.22.
28 Ibid, p. 145-146.
29 Richard P. Kluft, "Basic Principles in Conducting the
Psychotherapy of Multiple Personality Disorder." In Richard P.
Kluft and Catherine G. Fine, Eds. Clinical Perspectives on
Multiple Personality Disorder, p. 39.
30 Frank W. Putnam, Diagnosis and Treatment of Multiple
Personality Disorder, p. 62.
31 Lloyd deMause, Foundations of Psychohistory. New York:
Creative Roots, 1982, p. 192.
32 Lloyd deMause, "Shooting at Clinton, Prosecuting O.J. and
Other Sacrificial Rituals." The Journal of Psychohistory 22
33 The New York Times, April 17, 1995, p. Al.
34 New York Post, March 25, 1995, p. 4. The references were to
the government having fed alligators and wolves who then could
not hunt for themselves; that infants cannot be expected to
hunt for themselves is lost in the projection of blame into
them as scapegoats for the nation's hungry memories.
35 Mitchell Moss, "New to Poor: Let Them Eat Laptops." New York
Newsday, January 29, 1995, p. A30.
36 Morris Berman, Coming to Our Senses: Body and Spirit in the
Hidden History of the West. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1989,
37 Cited In C. Alford, Melanie Klein and Critical Social Theory.
New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989, p. 70; see Robert Godwin,
"On the Function of Enemies: The Articulation and Containment of
the Unthought Self. The Journal of Psychohistory 22(1994):
38 Morris Berman, Coming to Our Sense: Body and Spirit in
the Hidden History of the West. New York: Slmon & Schuster, 1989,
pp. 269-273; Charles B. Strozier, Apocalypse: On the Psychology
of Fundamentalism in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1994, pp.
43-45; Lloyd deMause, "On the Apocalypse in Our Heads." The
Journal of Psychohistory 23(1995): 18-25.
39 Rudolph Binion, Hitler Among the Germans. New York: Elsevier,
1976, pp. 3-6, 120-26, 136-38.
40 Theodore Abel, Why Hitler Came to Power. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1986 .
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