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The Enemy of Europe

...by Francis Parker Yockey

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THE AMERICAN POWER ACCUMULATION

The American power-accumulation can be called an “empire” only in a loose, transferred sense. Within the Symbiosis America-Jewry, neither the Jewish entity nor the subordinate American element thinks in terms of American Imperialism. Thus the American head-of-state specifically declared to the populace that no people on earth was in any sense subject to America, that America's “defense” of other peoples did not entitle it to demand reciprocity from them, and, moreover, that under no circumstances would America “dominate” another people. What is of particular significance in this is the anti-imperialist ideology, not the fact that all these principles are completely disregarded in the political conduct of America-Jewry. The intention here is to prevent the rise of American Imperialist thinking, for that would run counter to the anti-nationalist policy of the dominant part of the Symbiosis. But if the Imperialist urge within the American people were of deep, imperative force, and pregnant with the Future, it could not be suppressed, and the power-accumulation that the Washington regime at present administers would be organised into an American Empire.

However, a true American Empire that is hierarchically organised and politically administered will never be, since it is not among the formative possibilities of the American character. Now, a nation cannot arise by happenstance— a people, yes— but a nation is the outflowing of a High Culture.1 Though America can never belong to any other Culture than the Western, in American life Western culture is only a veneer. Its inward influence on the American population was too slight, for example, to have prevented the invasion of Culturally-alien units. There is no American Idea, no American nation, no American ruling-stratum— three ways of expressing the same thing. To be sure, there is an American People, whose members are in fact characterised by an individual imperialism, which is instinctive, racial, economic. But this individual imperialism can never lift itself to political heights. The true American People is a unit based upon matriarchy. By its own choice, it leads a cocoon-like life within a closed system. The soul of this People is too oriented to the feminine pole of existence, and it therefore cherishes peace, comfort, security, in short, the values of individual life. War, conquest, adventure, the creation of form and order in the world— these do not interest the American People. Empire-building demands sacrifices; yet, for sacrifices to be made, and not just sacrificial victims slaughtered, there must be an Idea.

The American power-accumulation arose without sacrifices through America's chance intervention at two decisive moments in world affairs. In the First World War, America's sole war-aim— according to the public and private utterances of all leading Americans who were in favour of intervention in that War— was to defeat “German tyranny.” As was shown in the analysis of Politics in IMPERIUM, to have the defeat of an arbitrarily chosen enemy as a “war-aim” is to have no war-aim at all. Thus America had no political aim in that War. The role England played in America's entry into the War is not important here. Important only is the stock of ideas that were played out to set the American People in motion. In the Second World War, America's internal propaganda was exclusively non-political. Again, the chief “war-aim” was to “defeat Germany,” and the one attempt to display a positive “war-aim” was a series of negative proposals— all of them reflecting the feminine values of a matriarchy— to free the world of hunger, fear, etc. The psychological orientation of the American People prevents American governments in peacetime from clearly expressing a demand for war. In wartime, it is obligatory to speak only of “peace.” “Victory” is supposed to bring only “peace,” and not an extension of power. Above all, the purpose of victory is not an American Empire. After the extinction of the Federalist Party in 1828, no political grouping in America publicly advocated the creation of an American Empire. The average type of party-politician ensures, however, that every public man would advocate political imperialism were the idea popular.

The American power-accumulation in this epoch between the Second and Third World Wars has arisen without sacrifice. Had sacrifice been necessary for it, then it would not have arisen.2

Before 1914, America controlled only a small section of the world-surface: the North American Continent, Central America below Mexico, small areas of northern South America. Not even the Caribbean Sea could be called American, since European bases were numerous there and the American fleet was inferior in number to more than one European fleet. In the First World War, 10,000,000 men lost their lives on the battlefield. Of this total sum America's tribute amounted to 120,000; for this slight toll in blood, America acquired sufficient new territories and bases, obtained enough power for itself at sea, to have 1/5th of the earth's surface under its control: North America, the whole of Central America, including Mexico, the entire Caribbean, much of South America, and half the Pacific. After the War, in accordance with the feminine-matriarchal orientation of the American People, the greater part of these power-acquisitions was abandoned— this occurred through the Washington Naval Treaty of 1921, under which America obligated itself to sink half its fleet without demanding the equivalent from England or Japan. Yet the fact remains: America acquired a power-area that was four times larger than its original with the vanishingly small blood-toll of 120,000.

By 1939, America had gained control, pari passu with the steady decline of England's power, of 1/5 of the earth-surface. At the end of the Second World War, America controlled 18/20ths of it. That is the largest power-accumulation ever to come about in the entire history of High-Cultures. The total number of dead of all belligerent states amounted to approximately 15 million. America's portion of this loss was 250,000. In the Second World War, then, America acquired control of more than half the world without its having to make a blood sacrifice worth mentioning in connexion with such an operation.

Not even such unparalleled political successes fill the soul of the American People with satisfaction. America, as a People, is organic, and will forever remain isolationist. Isolationism is the only American characteristic that can be called “nationalism.” The American soul does not delight at all in this world power. It finds in it no reason for pride. When in 1947 the Washington regime calmly handed over China to Russia, that is, the focus of America's quarter of the world's power, Americans took no notice. The diplomatic intermediary in the transfer was publicly honoured and draped with medals. Only a few years after the War, ships were taken from the American fleet and delivered to Japan en masse to Serve as the basis of a new Japanese navy. No American nationalist protested, for in America there are no nationalists, only victimised isolationists.

It is a strange phenomenon, and History will deal with it as with so many other transient paradoxes, that between the Second and Third World Wars American troops were stationed all along the perimeter of the political world, viz., the northeast quadrant of the planet, and this wide dispersion of American armed forces did not involve any kind of national exultation for Americans. The reason for that is Americans are primarily economics-oriented. The Masculine Principle is to realise higher ideas through art, warfare, Politics. Nothing could be further from the American ideal than that. The Feminine Principle is to nourish and preserve life— that is the American ideal. Americans therefore do not delight in an “empire” that continually lays claim to their wealth and constantly demands a reduction in their standard-of-living. In its traditional isolation, America needed no armies, garrisons, subventions to foreign countries, and Great Wars. The superficial politisation of America has brought the American People economic injuries, and thus confirmed it in its isolation.

The American casualty lists in the first two World Wars, slight as they were numerically, hit the American People in a sensitive spot. No mother rejoices in the death of her children, and matriarchy informs the American soul. Americans do not love their victories, whereas the deaths they count bitterly. Long before American intervention in each of the two World Wars, there was already a de facto state-of-war between America and European or Asiatic belligerents. In each case, the possession of numerous “allies” provided Americans with a certain solace. In the Second World War, long lists of American allies were published, and considered effective propaganda even though few of the “allies” were still power-factors or even existed. Indeed, with the alternative: war now with allies, or war later, standing alone, America can be forced into a war. The old European proverb: Viel' Feind, viel' Ehr finds no resonance in matriarchal America.

This American character-trait is a Ponderable of which Europe must take account in shaping its policy. In the American mind (and likewise in the policy-decisions of the Culturally-alien Washington regime), Europe is the basis of every war-plan against Russia. This Ponderable might be used by Europe in either one or the other of two ways, as will be shown later. Moreover, Europe's Culture-bearing stratum must keep in mind that it does not matter at this time whether America, as a People, can regain its independence and sovereignty or whether it will remain simply the instrumental part of the Symbiosis America-Jewry. For political purposes, America and Jewry have become a unit; what name this unit receives is not important.

It remains for us to compare and evaluate from a political standpoint the psychology of the two extra-European powers, America-Jewry and Russia.

1: Cf. IMPERIUM,p. 328 ff., p. 334 ff., p. 398 ff. 68

2: Cf. IMPERIUM, p. 472 ff., p. 482 ff.

 

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