-- PART 3 --
Diesel Gas Chambers: Ideal for Torture -- Absurd for Murder
11. An Empire built on Coal, Air and
Water
In addition to producer gas, the Germans had the world's
most advanced coal gasification technology.[104] One
of the first steps was to produce carbon monoxide, which could then in
turn be used either as fuel or as an intermediate raw material in the
synthesis of other products. The following postwar statement by some of
America's greatest experts on German industry summarized the situation:[105]
"War-time Germany was an empire built on coal, air and
water. 84.5% of her aviation fuel, 85% of her motor fuel, more than 99% of
all her rubber, 100% of her concentrated nitric acid – the base substance
for all military explosives – and 99% of her no less important methanol
were synthesized from these three raw materials. … Coal
gasification facilities, where coal was converted into producer gas, were
the body of this industrial organism."
Because of Germany's isolation from adequate sources of
petroleum and natural rubber, she had already converted much of her
industry during World War One to use coal as a substitute source of
hydrocarbons for making synthetic liquid fuels as well as a vast
assortment of chemical substances, including synthetic rubber. Millions of
tons of carbon monoxide were produced as part of this technology and would
have been more than enough to kill the entire population of Europe many
times over.
Coal gasification plants were located in all of Germany's
industrial regions. One region containing several such plants was Silesia,
where the abundance of coal had for more than a century been the basis of
that region's industry. One Silesian facility was the IG Farbenindustrie
A.G. plant at Auschwitz, a small portion of whose carbon monoxide could
easily have been diverted through a small pipeline to Auschwitz-Birkenau
only a few miles away. But no one alleges that carbon monoxide was ever
used for mass murder at Auschwitz, although that would have been an ideal
place for it. For mass murder at Auschwitz, the Germans supposedly used a
completely different substance: Zyklon B.[106]
12. Scholarly Evasion and
Metamorphosis
A marvelous attempt at evasion and distortion took place
nearly twenty years ago in the Holocaust story. A group of twenty-four of
the world's leading Holocaust 'scholars' tried to drop the Diesel
claim by not even mentioning the engine type and by referring only to
gasoline engines. This amazing metamorphosis took place in
Nationalsozialistische Massentötungen durch Giftgas, published in
Germany in 1983.[107] This extremely pretentious book represents the
state of Holocaust mythomania in the first half of the 1980s and was
recommended by the World Jewish Congress in London.[108] For
example, the next to last chapter entitled "The two Poison Gases"
(Die Zwei Giftgase) even gives the molecular weight of CO, twice,
as well as many other totally irrelevant technical properties of CO and
HCN. Many readers were no doubt impressed.
The clumsy juggling of evidence, which characterizes this
book, is shown by the fact that although the Gerstein Statement refers to
Diesel engines four times, the portion quoted in this supposedly
definitive rebuttal of the Revisionists does not mention the Diesels at
all, nor does it even describe the alleged killing process.[109] For
such a description, the book gives instead a piece of post-war testimony
by Dr. Pfannenstiel, in which there is also no mention of the use of
Diesels, but only of the use of "Diesel fuel" in the engine.[110] How
one could possibly have operated a gasoline engine with Diesel fuel was,
of course, left to the reader's imagination. The fact is that any
gasoline engine simply would not operate with Diesel fuel – and vice
versa.
A fatal flaw in the non-Diesel version of the CO murder
story is the recurrent claim that the corpses were "blue." Death
from gasoline engine exhaust would 'only' have been due to carbon monoxide
and could 'only' have caused a distinctive cherry red or pink appearance.
Although Pfannenstiel's post-war testimony is not nearly as wild as the
Gerstein Statement, nonetheless, he and other so-called eyewitnesses also
repeated the claim that the corpses were "blue."[111]
That the Gerstein Statement, even in a severely and
fraudulently abbreviated form, was included in Massentötungen at
all only shows how desperate the Holocaust scholars are to scrape together
anything and everything in support of their monstrous fantasy. The new
'revised' version of the Holocaust story is even more absurd than the old
version. Although an engineer might mistake a gasoline engine for a Diesel
engine, how could anyone mistake red for blue? Perhaps they were all
color-blind?
The Diesel gas chamber claim is rubbish – apparently some
of the exterminationists including Raul Hilberg recognize that now.
However, the alternate claim that gasoline engine exhaust was used instead
is rubbish also, since it contradicts the only evidence that is available,
namely the contradictory statements of the witnesses. For this reason, the
Holocaust pundits have recently returned to the old story: the 1993
Enzyklopädie des Holocaust[112]
agrees with the Jerusalem verdict[113]
about Demjanjuk's alleged crimes in Treblinka as well as with the findings
of German courts:[114] They were Diesel engines![115]
13. Conclusions
Although it would have been theoretically possible to
commit the deeds alleged for Treblinka, Belzec, and Sobibor with Diesel
engines, it would have required an inordinate amount of expertise and
determination as well as technical apparatus to impose or simulate
sufficient load on the Diesel engines. Such expertise is not even remotely
indicated by the eyewitness testimony or by any other evidence. Even if
all the necessary conditions had been met, the would-be murderers would
ultimately have had an arrangement which at best (worst?) would still have
been only marginally effective at its morbid task. It would be hard to
imagine a mass murder method more awkward and more inefficient. Even if
some deranged minds had tried for a time to commit murder with Diesel
exhaust, after a few tries it would have become apparent to even the most
demented fiend that something far better was needed. The idea that the
National Socialists actually used such a method not just for a few
fiendish experiments, but continually over many months in several
different locations is too preposterous. It never happened!
 |
|
Illustration 10: New Russian Word admits frankly: The Revisionists have the
"air superiority"; Diesel exhaust is unsuitable for mass murder!
Here the issue of February 28, 1995: "Ideology Holocaust"
(Проверка
Катастрофой. Click to
enlarge.) |
If the National Socialists had ever intended to commit
mass murder with CO, they would doubtless have used the ubiquitous
producer gas technology. 500,000 producer gas vehicles are the
incontrovertible evidence that the Diesel claim is totally absurd.
According to Novoje Russkoje Slowo (New Russian
Word),[116] a New York daily newspaper edited by and for
emigrated Russian Jews, the world's most renowned Holocaust historian
Prof. Raul Hilberg made the following statement:
"The Nazis did not manufacture soap from human fat, and did not kill their victims with Diesel exhaust. All these rumors were circulated in 1942, but we have the duty to thoroughly separate these rumors and fabrications from the facts and truth. Little lies provide fodder for the deniers and act against us."
The absence of credible evidence will continue to drive
revisionism long after the current crop of revisionists has gone.
Ultimately, the purveyors of the anti-Nazi, homicidal gassing
claims condemn themselves. The German officials who suppress, even with
imprisonment, the least expression of doubt about the gassing claims
condemn themselves as well.
Notes
This chapter is an expanded and revised edition of F. P. Berg's article
"The Diesel Gas Chambers – Myth Within a Myth", The Journal of
Historical Review (JHR) 5(1) (1984), pp. 15-46 (online:
ihr.org/jhr/v05/v05p-15_Berg.html). Although this author gladly takes
credit for this work, the editor Germar Rudolf deserves credit also for
having made many substantive additions to the arguments and for many
important reference citations.
| [1] |
The history of, and public reactions to, this travesty of
justice are described in the following chapter by A. Neumaier. |
| [2] |
New York Post, March 17, 1990; The Washington
Times, March 19, 1990; repeated on "This Week with David
Brinkley", ABC television, Sunday, Dec. 8, 1991. |
| [3] |
The New Republic, Oct. 22, 1990; G. F. Will,
Newsweek, March 4, 1996. See especially: Friedrich Paul Berg,
"Pat Buchanan and the Diesel Exhaust Controversy,"
www.codoh.com/gcgvwill.html |
| [4] |
Cf. the chapter by W. Rademacher, this volume, as well as afp,
"Österreicher bestreitet Holocaust", Süddeutsche
Zeitung, March 13, 1992, p. 10; Neue Kronenzeitung, April
20, 1993; "Ein rauhes Lüftl", Bau 5/1995, p. 8;
"Rechte Gutachten", Profil, June 20, 1994; E. Kosmath,
letter to the editor, Bau 11/1994; ARA, "Lüftl wieder in
Kammer, 'Schwieriges Problem'", Standard (Vienna), Sept.
19, 1994. |
| [5] |
W. Lüftl, "Sollen Lügen künftig Pflicht sein?",
Deutschland in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 41(1) (1993), pp.
13f. (online: vho.org/D/DGG/Lueftl41_1.html). |
| [6] |
J. Bailer, in Brigitte Bailer-Galanda, Wolfgang Benz, Wolfgang
Neugebauer (eds.), Wahrheit und Auschwitzlüge, Deuticke,
Vienna 1995, pp. 99-118, here 100-107; cf. G. Rudolf, "Zur Kritik
an 'Wahrheit und Auschwitzlüge'", in Vrij Historisch Onderzoek
(ed.), Kardinalfragen zur Zeitgeschichte, Vrij Historisch
Onderzoek, Berchem 1996, pp. 91-108, here 98-102 (online:
vho.org/D/Kardinal/Wahrheit.html; English:
vho.org/GB/Books/cq/critique.html). |
| [7] |
Cf. the articles by G. Rudolf, Carlo Mattogno, and Jürgen Graf
in this volume. |
| [8] |
R. Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews,
Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1961, p. 572; German ed.: Die
Vernichtung der europäischen Juden, Olle & Wolter, Berlin
1982, p. 604. |
| [9] |
Updated with information from the official German Institut
für Zeitgeschichte (Institute for contemporary History). |
| [10] |
Maximum figure given by F. Golczewski in W. Benz, Dimension
des Völkermords, Oldenbourg, Munich 1991, p. 495. |
| [11] |
From 9 million to 500,000, depending on the source. At the
moment, 1 million is the officially espoused figure; cf. the chapter
on statistics by G. Rudolf, this volume. |
| [12] |
R. Hilberg, op. cit. (note 8), Eng. ed. p. 562. |
| [13] |
William B. Lindsey, "Zyklon B, Auschwitz, and the Trial of
Dr. Bruno Tesch", JHR 4(3) (1983), pp. 261-303 (online:
vho.org/GB/Journals/JHR/4/3/Lindsey261-303.html). |
| [14] |
H. Roques, Faut-il fusiller Henri Roques?, Ogmios
Diffusion, Paris 1986 (cf. online: abbc.com/aaargh/fran/
ACHR/ACHR.a.html); cf. also André Chelain, La Thèse de Nantes et
l'affaire Roques, Ogmios Diffusion, Paris 1989 ; abbrev.
German ed.: H. Roques, Die "Geständnisse" des Kurt Gerstein,
Druffel, Leoni 1986 (online: abbc.com/aaargh/deut/HRgerstein1.html);
cf. D. Felderer, JHR 1(1) (1980), pp. 69-80; D. Felderer,
JHR 1(2) (1980), pp. 169-172 (online:
vho.org/GB/Journals/1/1/Felderer69-80.html &
.../2/Felderer169-172.html); C. Mattogno, Il rapporto Gerstein –
Anatomia di un falso, Sentinella d'Italia, Monfalcone 1985; cf.
Raul Hilberg, "Expert's admission: Some gas death 'facts'
nonsense", Toronto Sun, Jan. 17, 1985. |
| [15] |
An example of gross distortions is L. Poliakov, Harvest of
Hate, Schocken Books (Holocaust Library), New York 1979, p. 195
(French ed.: Bréviaire de la Haine, Calman-Levy, Paris 1951,
pp. 220ff.). |
| [16] |
R. Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, Holmes
and Meier, New York 1985, pp. 890, 892, 963, 964, 975f. |
| [17] |
According to Y. Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The
Operation Reinhard Death Camps, University Press, Bloomington
1987, p. 123, the real name of this Heckenholt was Lorenz
Hackenholt. Besides Hackenholt, Arad claims that Ivan Demjanjuk was
responsible for operating the Diesel gas chambers in Treblinka,
ibid., p. 86. In light of the disastrous outcome of the
Demjanjuk affair for the Israelis, it should now be obvious that
most of the eyewitness accounts used by Arad are worthless. It
appears that Arad's book, published when the Demjanjuk case was not
yet settled, is nothing more than propaganda for influencing the
trial's outcome. |
| [18] |
This sentence is missing from the version given by H. Rothfels
(ed.), "Augenzeugenberichte zu den Massenvergasungen,"
Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 1 (1953), pp. 177-194.
Instead, Rothfels remarked: "A strictly personal observation then
follows." |
| [19] |
Version T2, H. Roques, op. cit. (note 14), German ed., p.
57. |
| [20] |
Even closely crowded, 10 people per square meter are the
maximum; cf. E. Neufert, Bauentwurfslehre, Vieweg, Wiesbaden
1992, p. 27; cf. U. Walendy, Historische Tatsachen no. 29,
Verlag für Volkstum und Zeitgeschichtsforschung, Vlotho 1985, p. 12:
46 persons will fit onto the 4.44 m2 load area of a
heavy-goods vehicle, according to Quick, April 25,
1985. |
| [21] |
Letter from Pfannenstiel to P. Rassinier, dated Aug. 3, 1963,
published in W. Stäglich, U. Walendy, "NS-Bewältigung",
Historische Tatsachen no. 5, Historical Review Press, Southam
(GB) 1979, p. 20. |
| [22] |
Regarding the toxicology of carbon monoxide, cf. e.g.: W.
Forth, D. Henschler, W. Rummel, K. Starke, Allgemeine und
spezielle Pharmakologie und Toxikologie, 6th ed.,
Wissenschaftsverlag, Mannheim 1992, pp. 756ff.; S. Kaye, Handbook
of Emergency Toxicology, C. C. Thomas, Springfield 1980, pp.
187f.; C. J. Polson, R. N. Tattersall, Clinical Toxicology,
Lippincott, Philadelphia 1969, pp. 604-621. |
| [23] |
L. Poliakov, Harvest of Hate, op. cit. (note 15),
p. 196. Further typical and fundamental sources that speak of the
use of Diesel engines include: W. Grossmann, Die Hölle von
Treblinka, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow 1947:
death occurred within 10-20 minutes due to tank engine exhaust,
sometimes also due to vacuum and steam; Eliahu Rosenberg,
Tatsachenbericht, Jewish Historical Documentation, Dec. 24,
1947, p. 4: mass murder with Diesel engine exhaust within 20-35
minutes (published in H. P. Rullmann, Der Fall Demjanjuk,
Verlag für ganzheitliche Forschung und Kultur, Struckum 1987, pp.
133-144); World Jewish Congress et al. (eds.), The Black
Book: The Nazi Crime Against the Jewish People, New York 1946;
reprint by Nexus Press, New York 1981: no fewer than 3 million
victims in Treblinka due to carbon monoxide from tank engines,
sometimes also due to vacuum and steam. |
| [24] |
W. Braker, A. L. Mossman, Effects of Exposure to Toxic
Gases, Matheson Gas Products, East Rutherford 1970, p. 12;
2nd ed., D. Siegel, Lynhurst, N.J., 1977. |
| [25] |
According to the eyewitness statements in E. Kogon, H. Langbein,
A. Rückerl et al. (eds.), Nationalsozialistische
Massentötungen durch Giftgas, Fischer, Frankfurt/Main 1986, p.
159 (E. Fuchs, 10 mins.), p. 167 (K.A. Schluch, 5-7 mins.), p. 174
(K. Gerstein, 18 mins.), p. 181 (A. Goldfarb, 20-25 mins.), the
gassing procedure allegedly sometimes took much less time; in
accordance with Gerstein: Matthes, in H. P. Rullmann, op.
cit. (note 23), p. 167: 30 min. |
| [26] |
F. E. Camps, Medical and Scientific Investigations in the
Christie Case, Medical Publications Ltd., London 1953, p.
170. |
| [27] |
Y. Henderson, H. W. Haggard, Noxious Gases, Reinhold
Publishing, New York 1943, p. 168. |
| [28] |
P. S. Myers, "Automobile Emissions – A Study in Environmental
Benefits versus Technological Costs", Society of Automotive
Engineers Transactions 79 (1970), section 1, paper 700182, p.
662. |
| [29] |
Keith Simpson (ed.), Taylor's Principles and Practice of
Medical Jurisprudence, J. & A. Churchill, London 1965, pp.
366f.; Graph 2 originally appeared in K. Simpson, R.A. Furbank,
Journal for Medicine, 2 (1995), p. 5. |
| [30] |
Hb× CO – hemoglobin-carbon monoxide
compound, the compound formed by CO and blood hemoglobin, whereby
the oxygen (Hb× O2,
oxyhemoglobin) becomes displaced. |
| [31] |
The Soviets used gasoline engines in some of their tanks (models
BT, T 28, T 35). Soviet Diesel engines first appeared in
1939 in the T-34 Stalin tank and surprised everyone outside the
Soviet Union at the beginning of the German-Soviet war (The heavy
tanks KW Ia and KW II had Diesel engines, too). The heavy
Diesel engine of the T 34, model "W2", was a V12
cylinder Diesel (undivided chamber) with 550 hp, 38.86 l cubic
capacity and a maximum 1900 rpm; cf. Augustin, Motortechnische
Zeitschrift 5(4/5) (1943), pp. 130-139; ibid., 5(6/7)
(1943), pp. 207-213; ibid., 6(1/2) (1944), p. 40; and H.
Scheibert, Der russische Kampfwagen T-34 und seine Abarten,
Podzun-Pallas Verlag, Friedberg 1988. Diesel engines from submarines
are also mentioned: Jochen von Lang, Eichmann Interrogated,
Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, New York 1983, p. 75 (German ed.:
Das Eichmann-Protokoll, Severin und Siedler, Berlin 1982, p.
72), mentions a Russian submarine; see also Hannah Arendt,
Eichmann in Jerusalem, Reclam-Verlag, Leipzig 1990, p. 181,
who quotes a statement Eichmann made during the trial. Alleging the
use of a large submarine engine in the heart of Poland is
ridiculous. Marine engines are invariably far, far heavier than
comparable horsepower automotive engines to achieve reliable,
continuous, long-term service. |
| [32] |
In Germany as well, the emission levels from Diesel engines have
always been below the threshold values set by the Federal Emissions
Regulation. This is why Diesels were the only kind of engine to be
exempt from the mandatory use of catalytic converters until
1994. |
| [33] |
David F. Merrion, "Effect of Design Revisions on Two Stroke
Cycle Diesel Engine Exhaust", Society of Automotive Engineers
Transactions 77 (1968), paper 680422, p. 1535. |
| [34] |
M. A. Elliott, R. F. Davis, "Composition of Diesel Exhaust
Gas", Society of Automotive Engineers Quarterly
Transactions 4(3) (1950), p. 345. Unfortunately, some of the
following graphs use air/fuel, some fuel/air ratios, so we are
forced to use them both here. An air/fuel ration of 18:1 equals a
fuel/air ration of 0.055 (20:1 = 0.05, 25:1 = 0.04, 33.3:1 = 0.03
...) |
| [35] |
Over the years, a number of exterminationists have falsely
speculated that Diesels could simply be adjusted somehow by perhaps
turning a screw somewhere or by changing the injection timing to
give high CO emission levels. If it were so easy it would be of
great concern to auto emission inspectors but it is of no concern at
all. The excess air in the cylinders and exhaust drives the
combustion process toward near perfection. There is no basis
anywhere in the automotive literature for such an exterminationist
argument. Let the exterminationists try to find such evidence in the
literature or anywhere else. The EPA will be extremely
interested. |
| [36] |
In the past 50 years the data used for Graphs 4 and 5 have been
repeatedly used in the technical literature by numerous engineers.
This shows, on the one hand, how reliable the data are that were
used for this graph. On the other hand it also underlines the nature
of this data as the worst possible emission curves of Diesel
engines. Two earlier works which drew on this data are: H. H.
Schrenk, L. B. Berger, "Composition of Diesel Engine Exhaust
Gas", American Journal of Public Health 31(7) (1941), p.
674; and Martin A. Elliott, "Combustion of Diesel Fuels",
Society of Automotive Engineers Quarterly Transactions 3(3)
(1949), p. 509. |
| [37] |
While the experiments involved, and their purpose, were
discussed in numerous articles, the paper by J. C. Holtz, "Safety
with mobile Diesel-powered equipment underground", Report of
Investigations No. 5616, U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau
of Mines, Washington, D.C., 1960, p. 67, is probably the best; cf.
Holtz, R. W. Dalzell, "Diesel Exhaust Contamination of Tunnel
Air", ibid., 1968. Also John C. Holtz
and M. A. Elliott, "The Significance of Diesel-Exhaust Gas
Analysis," Transactions of the ASME, 63 (1941), pp.
97-105 |
| [38] |
The earlier exception for coal mines arose not from true health
and safety considerations but from the political pressure of the
United Mine Workers Union which saw all liquid fuels as a threat to
job security. Diesel locomotives had cost the UMWA thousands of
jobs. Electrically-driven vehicles and equipment, with lengthy power
cables, derived their energy from coal burned in electric power
plants and were, therefore, entirely acceptable to the union. S.O.
Ogden "The war over Diesels," Coal Mining &
Processing, June 1978, p. 102. |
| [39] |
Data taken from: M. A. Elliott, R. F. Davis, op. cit.
(note 34), p. 333. |
| [40] |
D. Pankow, Toxikologie des Kohlenmonoxids, VEB Verlag
Volk und Gesundheit, Berlin (East) 1981, p. 24, also states that
Diesel engines under full load do not produce more than 0.4% CO by
volume. |
| [41] |
Edward F. Obert, Internal Combustion Engines and Air
Pollution, Intext Educational Publishers, New York 1973, p.
361. |
| [42] |
Y. Henderson, H. W. Haggard, op. cit. (note 42), pp.
144-145. |
| [43] |
J. S. Haldane, J. G. Priestley, Respiration, Yale UP, New
Haven 1935, pp. 223-224. |
| [44] |
Note: The composition of exhaust gasses is almost independent
from the rpm's of the engine. The rpm's simply determine how much
gas is produced. If the rpm's are lower, for the same fuel/air
ratio the whole process will take longer. |
| [45] |
Based on the data from Graphs 4 and 5. |
| [46] |
One objection to my 1984 essay was that I had not properly
considered the combined effects of carbon monoxide and reduced
oxygen. If one determines an "effective carbon monoxide
level," as explained in this text, one will see that there is no
significant increase in toxicity for half-hour exposures due to
reduced oxygen until one gets the engine running under heavy loads
which is exactly what I claimed in 1984. |
| [47] |
L.J. Meduna, Carbon Dioxide Therapy, C. C. Thomas,
Springfield 1958, pp. 3-19. |
| [48] |
J.D.P. Graham, The Diagnosis and Treatment of Acute
Poisoning, Oxford UP, London 1962, pp. 215-217. |
| [49] |
L.T. Fairhall, Industrial Toxicology, Williams &
Wilkins, Baltimore 1957, p. 180. |
| [50] |
M. Daunderer, Klinische Toxikologie, 32nd
supplement 21/87, ecomed, Landsberg 1987, p. 1. |
| [51] |
J.M. Arena, Poisoning: Toxicology – Symptoms –
Treatments, C. C. Thomas, Springfield 1979, p. 243; J.D.P.
Graham, op. cit. (note 48), p. 216. |
| [52] |
W. Forth et al., op. cit. (note 22), pp. 760ff.;
M. Daunderer, Klinische Toxikologie, 33rd supplement 1/88,
ecomed, Landsberg 1988, pp. 1ff. |
| [53] |
W. Forth et al., op. cit. (note 22), pp. 761, 765;
M. Daunderer, Klinische Toxikologie, 34th supplement 2/88,
ecomed, Landsberg 1988, pp. 1ff. |
| [54] |
Cf. R.E.
Pattle, H. Stretch, F. Burgess, K. Sinclair, J.A.G. Edginton,
Brit. J. industr. Med. 14 (1957) pp. 47-55, here p. 50.
This study was brought to the author's attention by Charles D.
Provan an independent researcher who still believes in Nazi
gassings. I referred to this possibility and to this source in 1994
for the first time: F.P. Berg, "Die Diesel-Gaskammern: Mythos im
Mythos", in Ernst Gauss (ed.), Grundlagen zur
Zeitgeschichte, Grabert, Tübingen 1994, pp. 321-345. |
| [55] |
J. Falbe, M. Regitz (eds.), Römpp Chemie Lexikon, v. 5,
Thieme, Stuttgart 1992, pp. 4314f. |
| [56] |
M. A. Elliott, R. F. Davis, op. cit. (note 39), p.
345. |
| [57] |
R. Kühn, K. Birett, Merkblätter Gefährlicher
Arbeitsstoffe, 69th supplement 11/93, Technische Regeln für
Gefahrstoffe (TRGS) 554: "Dieselmotoremissionen", ecomed,
Landsberg 1993; ibid., 61st supplement 9/92, TRGS 102,
Technische Richtkonzentrationen (TRK) für gefährliche Stoffe, pp.
93ff.; L. Roth, M. Daunderer, Giftliste, 23rd supplement
2/86, TRGS 102, ecomed, Landsberg 1986, pp. 51ff. |
| [58] |
Cf. the experiment by R. E. Pattle et al., op.
cit. (note 54). |
| [59] |
It is interesting to note that some people cite this data as
proof that it is possible to attain high CO-levels with
Diesel engines: cf. Martin Pägert,
(www.eikon.e-technik.tu-muenchen.de/~rwulf/leuchter/leucht19.html).
What is not mentioned, however, is that this is possible only with
special, gaseous fuels, not with Diesel fuel. |
| [60] |
H.H. Müller-Neuglück, H. Werkmeister, "Grubensicherheit der
Diesellokomotiven", Glückauf, Aug. 23, 1930, p.
1145. |
| [61] |
S. Gilbert, "The Use of Diesel Engines Underground in British
Coal Mines", The Mining Engineer (GB), June 1974, p.
403. |
| [62] |
Dennis S. Lachtman, "Diesel Exhaust – Health Effects",
Mining Congress Journal, January 1981, p. 40. |
| [63] |
Mine Safety & Health Administration. |
| [64] |
Other obvious falsehoods within his 'statement' may have been
intended to serve the same purpose. He may have simply wanted a
cover story to save himself without providing any long term comfort
to Germany's enemies. His own role in the SS with the application of
Zyklon B, albeit for life saving work, would have given him
additional reason to be fearful about his own future. |
| [65] |
Eran Sher (ed.), Handbook of Air Pollution from Internal
Combustion Engines: Pollution Formation and Control, Boston, San
Diego, New York, London, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto: Academic Press,
1998, p. 288. |
| [66] |
See for this Arnulf Neumaier, "The Treblinka Holocaust",
this volume; cf. also Yoram Sheftel, The Demjanjuk Affair. The
Rise and Fall of the Show Trial, Victor Gollancz, London
1994. |
| [67] |
When testing the emissions of Diesel engines, German engineers
sometimes impose load on the engine without coupling any equipment
by simply opposing the inertia of the engine. Accelerating an engine
with the fuel pedal depressed and with no load increases the engine
speed rapidly and the fuel/air ratio as well, but only for a few
seconds. This may suffice to measure the engine's exhaust
composition at high fuel/air ratios, but if the cylinder wall
temperatures are still unusually low, this may give erroneous test
result. |
| [68] |
E. Fuchs, in E. Kogon et .al. (eds.), op. cit. (note 25),
p. 163: "… I set up a light machine in the extermination camp
there, so that the barracks can be lit electrically …"; E.
Roosevelt, A. Einstein et al. (eds.), The Black Book of
Polish Jewry, Roy Publishers, New York 1943, pp. 142ff.: murder
by means of steam, Diesel engines for supplying power. Cf. also A.
Donat (ed.), The Death Camp Treblinka, Holocaust Library, New
York 1979, p. 157, as well as the verdict of the Düsseldorf District
Court in the Treblinka Trial, Ref. 8 I Ks 2/64,
p. 300; Y. Arad, op. cit. (note 17), p. 42. |
| [69] |
Kostenüberschlag über Notstromaggregate für K.G.L.,
Central Construction Office of the Waffen-SS and Police of
Auschwitz, O./S., Oct. 26, 1942. |
| [70] |
Engine size certainly determines the total amounts of
pollutants, toxic or otherwise that an engine will produce, but it
has no bearing on the concentrations of those pollutants in the
exhaust. It is the concentrations which are the critical
consideration and not the total amounts of pollutants once levels
have stabilized inside the gas chamber. A large engine will fill a
potential gas chamber quicker than a small engine, but that is all.
Concentrations within the chamber will never exceed the levels
measured directly in the engine's exhaust. |
| [71] |
Diesel engines have never used carburetors (all gasoline engines
did until recently), and hence no idle-mixture adjustment screws
which were always part of the carburetors and allowed fuel/air
ratios to be easily maladjusted. For this reason, Pattle et
al. (note 54) went to the round-about-method of 'choking' rather
than purchasing a suitable brake dynamometer, which suggests just
how difficult it was to get such devices even in a postwar
environment. The choking employed was extreme: the air intake was
restricted to less than 21/2% of its normal size, which caused
engine misfiring during warm-up. |
| [72] |
R. E. Pattle et al. made two experiments with that
setting, one resulting in only 0.12% CO, the other in 0.22% CO; no
reason was given; CO2 was between 2.34% and 3.58%; op.
cit. (note 54), pp. 49f. For another discussion of the same
material see: Conrad Grieb "Holocaust: Dieselmotorabgase töten
langsam," Vierteljahreshefte für freie
Geschichtsforschung 1(3) (1997), pp. 134-137 (online:
vho.org\VffG\1997\3\Grieb3.html). |
| [73] |
For a detailed analysis of the gas chamber claims for Treblinka,
see C. Mattogno, J. Graf, Treblinka. Vernichtungslager oder
Durchgangslager? Castle Hill Publishers, Hastings 2002, pp.
145-151, also in particular the Soviet 'gas chamber' plan on page
397; Engl.: Treblinka. Extermination Camp or Transit Camp?
Theses & Dissertations Press, Chicago 2003. |
| [74] |
Cf. A. Donat (ed.), op. cit. (note 68), pp. 34, 157ff.,
and the Treblinka verdict of Düsseldorf, ibid., p. 300ff.; Y.
Arad, op. cit. (note 17), p. 119f.; J.-F. Steiner,
Treblinka, Stalling, Oldenburg 1966, p. 173. Regarding the
engine type, cf. note 31. |
| [75] |
J.-F. Steiner, op. cit. (note 74), p. 173, speaks of 200
people per chamber. J. Wiernik (in A. Donat, op. cit. (note
68), p. 161), on the other hand, fantasizes about 1,000 to 1,200 per
chamber, whose area he gives as 7 × 7 m, in other words more
than 20 people per square meter. Y. Arad, op. cit. (note 17),
pp. 120f., puts a maximum of 380 but an actual estimate of up to 300
people into each chamber, and at times speaks of only 6 chambers,
not 10. |
| [76] |
Augustin, Motortechnische Zeitschrift 5(4/5) (1943), pp.
130-139. |
| [77] |
The resultant excess pressure would have exploded the chamber
after only a few minutes; cf. the chapter by A. Neumaier in this
volume. |
| [78] |
Assuming a linear increase in the CO content. |
| [79] |
W.F. Marshall, R.W. Hurn, "Hazard from Engines Rebreathing
Exhaust in Confined Space", U.S. Department of the Interior,
Bureau of Mines, Report of Investigations 7757, 1973, pp.
7-10. |
| [80] |
H. Bour, I. McA. Ledingham, Carbon Monoxide Poisoning,
Elsevier, Amsterdam 1967, p. 2. |
| [81] |
W. Oerley, "Entwicklung und Stand der Holzgaserzeuger in
Österreich, März 1938", Automobiltechnische Zeitschrift
11 (1939), p. 314. |
| [82] |
The German technical automotive literature of that time is chock
full of material about this technology that has been so completely
forgotten today. For an introductory overview, cf.
Automobiltechnische Zeitschrift 18 (1940) and 18 (1941). Cf.
also E. Eckermann, Alte Technik mit Zukunft: Die Entwicklung des
Imbert-Generators, Oldenbourg, Munich 1986. |
| [83] |
H. Fiebelkorn, Behandlung und Instandsetzung von
Fahrzeug-Gaserzeugeranlagen, W. Knapp, Halle 1944, p. 189; cf.
2nd ed., ibid., 1948. |
| [84] |
Walter J. Spielberger, Kraftfahrzeuge und Panzer des
österreichischen Heeres 1896 bis heute, Motorbuch Verlag,
Stuttgart 1976, pp. 207, 213. |
| [85] |
Cf. the chapter by I. Weckert, this volume. |
| [86] |
A. Hitler, July 15, 1940, quoted from W. Ostwald,
Generator-Jahrbuch, 1942, J. Kasper & Co., Berlin 1943,
p. 79. |
| [87] |
W. Ostwald, op. cit. (note 86), pp. 41f. |
| [88] |
E. Eckermann, op. cit. (note 82). |
| [89] |
E. Hafer, Die gesetzliche Regelung des Generatoren- und
Festkraftstoff-Einsatzes im Großdeutschen Reich, J. Kasper &
Co., Berlin 1943, p. 15. |
| [90] |
Letter from H. Göring to the Reich Economic Minister, the Reich
Transportation Minister, the Commanders-in-Chief of the Wehrmacht
units, the Chief of the Wehrmacht Supreme Command, the Reich
Ministers for Armament and Munition as well as for the occupied
eastern territories, according to E. Hafer, op. cit. (note
89), p. 17. |
| [91] |
Motortechnische Zeitschrift, Nr. 6/7, 1943, p. 3A. |
| [92] |
E. Hafer, op. cit. (note 89), p. 36. |
| [93] |
E. Hafer, op. cit. (note 89), supplement, p. 35a. |
| [94] |
U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, The German Oil Industry
Ministerial Report Team 78, War Department, Washington, D.C.,
1947, p. 73. More than likely these were training tanks
(Schulungspanzer) drafted into combat during the last months
of the war. |
| [95] |
L. Gassner, "Verkehrshygiene und Schädlingsbekämpfung",
Gesundheits-Ingenieur 66(15) (1943), p. 175. |
| [96] |
"S" stood for "standard" as in standard drive via
the rear wheels, as opposed to the "A" vehicles with
all-wheel drive, and the special or "Sonder" vehicles
abbreviated as "Sd.-Kfz"; all vehicles such as tanks, for
example, had their own Sonder class numbers. Another
spezial class was designated with a lower case "s."
cf. W. Spielberger, Spezial-Panzer-Fahrzeuge des deutschen
Heeres, Motorbuch-Verlag, Stuttgart 1977, pp. 153f.; W.
Spielberger, Die Halbkettenfahrzeuge des deutschen Heeres,
2nd ed., ibid., 1984, pp. 170f.; W.J.L. Davies,
German Army Handbook 1939-1945, Arco, New York 1981, p. 90.
In other words, the German designations had nothing whatever to do
with any sinister cover-up as Hilberg and others have often
alleged. |
| [97] |
F. Kadell, Die Katyn-Lüge, Herbig, Munich 1991. |
| [98] |
All Saurer Diesel engines employed, even before the war, a swirl
chamber (Doppelwirbelkammer) machined into the top of each
piston. This design had been unused for many years after the war and
after the demise of the Swiss Saurer. However, the concept has been
revived as "bowel in piston" by Audi and is now used widely
in the most advanced Diesel engines of VW and Mercedes Benz to help
meet the most stringent environmental emissions standards; see John
B. Heywood, Internal Combustion Engine Fundamentals,
McGraw-Hill, 1988. Of all the Diesels available, the Saurer designs
were the least likely to have served as any kind of source for toxic
emissions. |
| [99] |
The Trial in the Case of the Atrocities Committed by the
German Fascist Invaders and their Accomplices in Krasnodar and
Krasnodar Territory, July 14 to 17, 1943, Foreign Languages
Publishing House, Moscow 1943. |
| [100] |
The People's Verdict, Hutchinson & Co., London, 1944,
page 43. |
| [101] |
Nürnberger Dokument PS-501; cf. I. Weckert in this volume. |
| [102] |
Aage Grut, Chronic Carbon Monoxide Poisoning, Ejnar
Munksgaard, Copenhagen 1949, p. 69. See also Leo Noro, "Über die
durch Motorabgase verursachten Kohlenoxydvergiftungen bei der
Mannschaft von Panzerformationen", Acta Medica
Scandinavica, CXXI(IV) (1945); K. v. Bagh,
"Neurologisch-psychiatische Gesichtspunkte zur Diagnostik und
Behandlung der chronischen Generatorgasvergiftungen", Annales
Medicinae Internae Fenniae, Vol. 35, 1946. |
| [103]
|
E. W. Baader, Gewerbekrankheiten, Munich/Berlin 1954, pp.
178-184. |
| [104] |
Cf. esp.: W. Gumz, J. F. Foster (Battelle Memorial Institute),
"A Critical Survey of Methods of Making a High BTU Gas from
Coal", Research Bull. No. 6, American Gas Association,
New York 1953; further detailed references are given there. |
| [105] |
U. S. Strategic Bombing Survey, Oil Division Final
Report, War Department, Washington, D.C., 1947, p. 1
[retrans. from German trans.]. |
| [106] |
Cf. the chapter by G. Rudolf, this volume, as well as F. P.
Berg, "Typhus and the Jews", JHR 8(4) (1988), pp.
433-481 (online: vho.org/GB/Journals/JHR/8/4/Berg433-481.html); F.
P. Berg, "The German Delousing Chambers", JHR 7(1)
(1986), pp. 73-94 (online: codoh.com/gcgv/gcgvtyph.html). |
| [107] |
E. Kogon et al. (eds.), op. cit. (note 25). |
| [108] |
Chicago Jewish Sentinel, Dec. 22, 1983. |
| [109] |
E. Kogon et al. (eds.), op. cit. (note 25), pp.
171f. Another claim in this book which indicates gasoline engines is
that of E. Fuchs, from 1960: "It was a heavy Russian gasoline
engine (presumably a tank or tractor engine) with at least 200 hp
(V-engine, 8 cylinders, water-cooled)", p. 158, excerpted from
papers of the Dortmund Public Prosecutor's Office,
Ref. 45 Js 27/61 (Ref. ZSL:
208 AR-Z 251/59, v. 5, fol. 988). However, the
Soviets only used Diesel engines for their powerful tank engines,
cf. note 31. |
| [110] |
Testimony by Prof. W. Pfannenstiel, around 1960, excerpted from
papers of the Munich I Public Prosecutor's Office,
Ref. 22 Js 64-83/61 (Ref. ZSL:
208 AR-Z 252/59, v. 1, fol. 135ff.), quoted
from: E. Kogon et al., op. cit. (note 25), p. 173. Cf.
note 21. |
| [111] |
E.g., his testimony on June 6, 1950, before a Darmstadt
court, quoted from Saul Friedländer, Counterfeit Nazi: The
Ambiguity of Good, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London 1967, p. 118;
cf. also, e.g., K. A. Schluch, around 1960, excerpted
from documents of the Munich I Public Prosecutor's Office,
Ref. 22 Js 64-83/61 (Ref. ZSL: 208
AR-Z 252/59, v. VIII, fol. 1511), quoted from: E.
Kogon et al. (eds.), op. cit. (note 25), p. 168; cf.
A. Rückerl (ed.), Nationalsozialistische Vernichtungslager im
Spiegel deutscher Strafprozesse, dtv, Munich 1978, p. 142; for a
more in-depth analysis of the dilemma faced to this day by every
German who ever had anything even remotely to do with one of the
camps – Treblinka, Belzec and Sobibor were in fact more transit
camps than concentration camps – see W. Lindsey, op. cit.
(note 13), as well as the chapter by M. Köhler, this volume. |
| [112] |
E. Jäckel, P. Longerich, J. H. Schoeps (eds.), Enzyklopädie
des Holocaust, 3 vols., Argon, Berlin 1993, entries for
"Aktion Reinhard", v. 1, p. 15 "Benzin oder
Dieselmotoren" (Gasoline or Diesel Engines), "Belzec",
v. 1, p. 176 "Dieselmotor mit 250 PS" (Diesel
engine with 250 hp), "Sobibor", v. 3, p. 1332
"200 PS-Motor" (Engine with 200 hp), "Treblinka",
v. 3, p. 1428 "Dieselmotor" (Diesel engine),
"Gaskammer" (Gas chamber), v. 1, p. 505
"Dieselauspuffgas … in den Vernichtungslagern im
Generalgouvernement" (Diesel exhaust ... in the extermination
camps in the General Government) and "Vernichtungslager"
(Extermination camps), v. 3, p. 1496: "These
extermination camps [Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka] used carbon
monoxide gas produced by Diesel engines." According to this
source, the Sobibor camp (250,000 victims) is the only case where
there is any uncertainty regarding the engine type. In Belzec
(600,000 victims) and Treblinka (700,000 to 1,200,000 victims) they
were definitely Diesel engines. |
| [113] |
Jerusalem District Court, Criminal Case No. 373/86, verdict
against Ivan (John) Demjanjuk, p. 2: "Diesel motors",
p. 7: SU-tanks: V12 Diesel engines with 500/550 hp. |
| [114] |
A. Rückerl (ed.), op. cit. (note 111), pp. 61, 64,
133 (re. Belzec); 203f., 226 (re. Treblinka); regarding Sobibor
there is talk of gasoline engines: pp. 108, 165, 200; cf. the
verdict of the Munich I District Court,
Ref. 110 Ks 3/64 (Belzec) and the verdicts of the
Düsseldorf District Court, Ref. 8 I Ks 2/64 and
8 Ks 1/69 against K. Franz and F. P. Stangl
(both Treblinka), in H. Lichtenstein, Im Namen des
Volkes?, Bund, Cologne 1984, pp. 187f. (death after 15
minutes due to Diesel exhaust gas in gas-tight chamber in Belzec),
p. 201 (3 screwed-down Diesel engines in Treblinka). |
| [115] |
The chemist J. Bailer also fervently defends the Diesel version,
although he plays with a stacked deck, cf. note 6. The same goes for
Martin Pägert, op. cit. (note 59). |
| [116] |
Y. Manin, Novoje Russkoje Slowo, February 26-29, 1995;
regarding more details about this article: M. Dragan,
"Revisionisten haben Luftüberlegenheit",
Vierteljahreshefte für freie Geschichtsforschung, 1(3)
(1997), p. 138 (online:
vho.org/VffG/1997/3/Dragan3.html). |
| [117] |
W. Heller, "Neuzeitliche Holzgas-anlagen für Kraftfahrzeuge," ATZ Automobiltechnische
Zeitschrift, Heft 18, 1940, page 458.
One of the more notable features of all producer gas generators, just as shown here, is the typical "blower" (Gebläse, Anfachgebläse in German).
I have yet to see any producer gas arrangement, and I have seen many in the literature, without such a blower.
Of course, each blower could easily discharge poison gas (with as much as 35% CO) once the system was warmed up, and as soon as the blower was simply switched on by the driver--and would have
provided an ideal gas for murdering anyone.
The fact that such arrangements have never even been implicated means either that the Nazis were
technological morons or that the anti-German gassing claims are rubbish, and totally false. Nazi gassings never happened!
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